A history of the Polish underground's struggle to liberate World War 2 Warsaw from German occupation

A history of the Polish underground's struggle to liberate World War 2 Warsaw from German occupation
ZBRODNIE (ŻYDO)KOMUNISTÓW- "Rabin kontra prof. Nowak" 1/2


Czas zatarł ślad" Poland before the War before 1939

Warszawa Przedwojenna / Pre - War Warsaw

Das Modell (Kraftwerk) Zakazane Piosenki
Warszawo Ma-Zofia Mrozowska

zakazane piosenki - piosenka w tramwaju

kazane piosenki 2


Prezydent Izraela: Wykupujemy Polske, Wegry i Rumunie

Antypolonizm ?

Polish Pilots of the RAF

Polish Squadrons in Battle of Britain

http://RAQport.com

Lech Alex Bajan
Polish American
polonia@raqport.com
RAQport.com
2004 North Monroe Street
Arlington Virginia 222-07
USA
Tel1: 703-652-0993
Tel2: 703-528-0114
Fax: 703-940-8300
Toll free: 1800-695-6200

A history of the Polish underground's struggle to liberate World War 2 Warsaw from German occupation

A history of the Polish underground's struggle to liberate World War 2 Warsaw from German occupation
ZBRODNIE (ŻYDO)KOMUNISTÓW- "Rabin kontra prof. Nowak" 1/2


Czas zatarł ślad" Poland before the War before 1939

Warszawa Przedwojenna / Pre - War Warsaw

Das Modell (Kraftwerk) Zakazane Piosenki
Warszawo Ma-Zofia Mrozowska

zakazane piosenki - piosenka w tramwaju

kazane piosenki 2


Prezydent Izraela: Wykupujemy Polske, Wegry i Rumunie

Antypolonizm ?

Polish Pilots of the RAF

Polish Squadrons in Battle of Britain

http://RAQport.com

Lech Alex Bajan
Polish American
polonia@raqport.com
RAQport.com
2004 North Monroe Street
Arlington Virginia 222-07
USA
Tel1: 703-652-0993
Tel2: 703-528-0114
Fax: 703-940-8300
Toll free: 1800-695-6200

Story of Polish Clergy at the Nazi Dachau Concentration Camp

Story of Polish Clergy at the Nazi Dachau Concentration Camp
Time of An Ordeal: The Story of Polish Clergy Imprisoned and Killed at Dachau. Half of the Polish priests imprisoned by the Nazi's died at the Dachau concentration camp. The death of more than 2,000 Polish clergy, including five bishops, at the start of World War II seems to be forgotten by many history books, says a survivor of Dachau. Kazimierz Majdanski, now archbishop emeritus of Warsaw, was arrested Nov. 7, 1939, by the Nazis, when he was in the seminary of Wloclawek. He was arrested with other students and professors, and taken first to Sachsenhausen concentration camp and later to Dachau. In Dachau, he was subjected to pseudoscientific criminal experiments.Archbishop Majdanski: Half of the Polish priests died who were imprisoned in Dachau. I saw so many priests die in a heroic way. All of them were faithful to Christ who said to his disciples: "You will be my witnesses." They died as Catholic priests and Polish patriots. Some of them could have saved themselves, but none of them lowered themselves to such pacts. In 1942 the authorities of the camp offered Polish priests the possibility of special treatment, on the condition of declaring that they belonged to the German nation. No one came forward. When Father Dominik Jedrzejewski was offered his freedom on the condition that he give up his priestly functions, he calmly answered "no," and died. The martyrdom of the Polish clergy during the Nazi inferno was a glorious page of the history of the Church and of Poland. It is too bad that it has been covered by a veil of silence. Kazimierz Majdanski, now archbishop emeritus of Warsaw, will be speaking at the World Congress of Families IV, May 11-13, 2007, Warsaw, Poland

I SAW POLAND BETRAYED AN AMERICAN AMBASSADOR

I SAW POLAND BETRAYED AN AMERICAN AMBASSADOR

Warszawa 1946 - zniszczona Polska i Stolica Warszawa

I SAW POLAND BETRAYED AN AMERICAN AMBASSADOR


I SAW POLAND BETRAYED AN AMERICAN AMBASSADOR

(344 p.)—Arthur Bliss Lane—Bobbs-Merrill
I Saw Poland Betrayed

AN AMERICAN AMBASSADOR
REPORTS TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE

When Arthur Lane stepped into the plane that, in July 1945, was to take him to his post as U.S. Ambassador to Poland, few Americans yet realized that Lane's mission was doomed to the futilities of diplomatic protests. But no Big-Three doubletalk, no top-level deals, not even thick applications of F.D.R.'s charm on Stalin, could alter the inescapable fact: the Russians were in, the U.S. out.

Until the Warsaw government's rigged elections in January 1947, Lane stuck to his post. After that, seeing no hope of Poland's adherence to the Yalta declaration ("free and unfettered elections"), he quit, and returned home to write the saddening story of what he had seen.

Though a career diplomat, Lane has written a blunt and frank report. Where it falls down badly is in the writing. Lane uses that jargon habitual to diplomats, a dialect sometimes confused with English, which makes his occasional revelations seem as blandly dull as his report of an exchange of diplomatic amenities.

Lane found Poland run by a group of highly intelligent and unscrupulous Kremlin agents. Against such hard-bitten commissar types as Hilary Mine and Jakub Berman, who were Poles by birth but acknowledged Moscow as their capital, Lane could only play the gadfly. In Poland, they had the power and he didn't.

Note of Sarcasm. In pages likely to cause uneasiness in Democratic Party headquarters and certain to provoke angry retorts from F.D.R.'s supporters, Lane charges that during Roosevelt's and the early part of Truman's administration, U.S. Government leaders deliberately misled the public about the seriousness of the Polish situation. When Lane told President Roosevelt that strong steps should be taken to maintain Poland's independence, "the President asked rather sharply and with a note of sarcasm, 'Do you want me to go to war with Russia?' "

Roosevelt kept secret the provisions of the Teheran agreement ceding 70,000 square miles of Polish territory to Russia. Why did he? Lane, whose bitterness towards the administrations he represented permeates the book, believes that it was simply because Roosevelt wanted to win the Polish-American vote in 1944. He tells of a State Department official who tried to prevail on Franklin Roosevelt to take a firmer policy with Stalin on Poland, only to be told : " 'You may know a lot about international affairs, but you do not understand American politics.' "

Month of Stalling. The best — and bitterest — chapter in Lane's book, however, is his detailed reconstruction of the tragic 1944 Warsaw uprising against the Nazis, a story full of confusion at the time, but one that in his telling becomes pathetically plain. On July 29, 1944, a Moscow broadcast urged Warsaw to revolt to hasten the entry of Russian troops, then only ten kilometers away. The underground Polish army, led by General Bor, went into action on Aug. 1. The next day it had two-thirds of Warsaw under control. As the Nazis hit back with savage plane attacks, Polish emigré leaders begged the Russians to send planes over Warsaw to drop munitions and food to the rebels. But Russian planes, which for ten days before the revolt had battled the Nazis in the air, remained on the ground.
On Aug. 14, the U.S. asked permission to send planes from England in a shuttle flight to Russia in order to drop aid to Bor's troops. Moscow stalled for a crucial month, finally allowed one flight on Sept. 18. On Oct. 3, the Warsaw insurrection collapsed. The Russians, Lane bitterly concludes, stalled before Warsaw long enough to let the Nazis kill off 250,000 Poles. That made it easier for the Russians to handle the rest.
Arthur Bliss Lane (ur. 16 czerwca 1894, zm. 12 sierpnia 1956) - amerykański dyplomata (1917-1947), ambasador USA w Polsce (1945-1947).

W latach 1917-1919 - sekretarz ambasady USA w Rzymie, 1919 - sekretarz placówki amerykańskiej w Warszawie, kierowanej przez Hugh S. Gibsona, 1920 - w Londynie, gdzie pracował jako sekretarz kolejno pod kierownictwem ambasadorów: J.W. Davisa, a później G.B.Horneya. Z Londynu miał zostać przeniesiony do Buenos Aires, lecz stan zdrowia jego małżonki (Cornelia Thayer Baldwin) spowodował, iż przeniesiono go do Berna w Szwajcarii, gdzie A. Bliss Lane pracował u boku Joshepha C. Grew. Wraz z awansem J.C.Grew na stanowisko Sekretarza Stanu w 1923 roku również A. Bliss Lane pojechał do Waszyngtonu. Zarówno Sumner Welles, z którym Bliss Lane prowadził ożywioną korespondencję, jak i sam Franklin Delano Roosevelt nazywali młodego dyplomatę, jakim był wówczas Bliss Lane, po prostu: „Arthur” . Jego późniejsza droga szybkiego awansu po szczeblach dyplomatycznej kariery obejmowała placówki w Europie oraz w Ameryce Południowej. W roku 1933 A. Bliss Lane został mianowany posłem amerykańskim w Nikaragui, gdzie zaangażował się przeciwko zamiarom obalenia rządu Jounana Sacasa. Trzy lata później, w roku 1936, z tym samym tytułem reprezentował USA w krajach bałtyckich: Litwie, Łotwie i Estonii. Rok później znalazł się już w Jugosławii. W 1941 roku pod jego opiekę przeszła placówka na Kostaryce, zaś w 1942 A. Bliss Lane został mianowany ambasadorem USA w Kolumbii.




Ambasador USA w Polsce
Bliss Lane został mianowany przez Roosevelta ambasadorem USA przy rządzie polskim w Londynie[1] 21 września 1944 r. jednak wobec wkroczenia Armii Czerwonej na teren Polski nigdy w tej roli do Londynu nie pojechał, zgodnie z zaleceniem przełożonych oczekując na dalszy rozwój sytuacji w Waszyngtonie.


Ambasador bez ambasady starał się pozyskać jak najwięcej informacji nie tylko o Polsce, ale i o amerykańskich planach jej dotyczących. Gdy 7 czerwca 1944 roku z amerykańskim prezydentem o sprawach polskich rozmawiał Stanisław Mikołajczyk, 20 listopada swoje 5 minut (dosłownie) otrzymał również Bliss Lane. Tak później wspominał przebieg tej rozmowy: „Powiedziałem, że w mojej opinii bardzo istotnym byłoby wywieranie nacisku na rząd sowiecki, by podtrzymać niezależność Polski i dodałem, że jeśli nie zademonstrujemy naszej siły w chwili, gdy mamy największą armię, marynarkę i siły powietrzne na świecie, a prezydent otrzymał właśnie kolejny mandat od swojego społeczeństwa – nie wiem czy kiedykolwiek będziemy silniejsi. Na co prezydent odpowiedział ostro i z nutą sarkazmu – „Czy chcesz bym poszedł na wojnę z Rosją?” Odpowiedziałem, że nie to miałem na myśli, lecz to, by przyjąć ostrą linię i z niej nie schodzić, wówczas, miałem pewność, osiągnęlibyśmy nasze cele. Zaobserwowałem, że prezydent miał inną wizję wolnej Polski od naszej. Prezydent powiedział, że ma pełne zaufanie do słów Stalina i miał pewność, iż ten się z nich nie wycofa".

13 lutego, a więc tuż po zakończeniu obrad konferencji jałtańskiej, podsekretarz stanu Joseph C.Grew wydał oświadczenie oznajmiające, że Arthur Bliss Lane w dalszym ciągu pozostanie w Waszyngtonie, oczekując na dalszy rozwój sytuacji. 5 kwietnia 1945 Bliss Lane wystosował memorandum do E.Stettiniusa, w którym rekomendował informowanie amerykańskiej opinii publicznej o pogorszeniu się stosunków amerykańsko–sowieckich, zwłaszcza w kwestii polskiej. Po śmierci Roosevelta, jego następca potwierdził nominację Bliss Lane'a na stanowisko ambasadora USA w Polsce. 4 lipca Bliss Lane, który usilnie zabiegał o spotkanie z nowym sekretarzem stanu - Jamesem F. Byrnesem, został przez niego przyjęty. Bliss Lane wyszedł ze spotkania rozczarowany, jako że nie otrzymał sposobności omówienia z własnym przełożonym „jednego z najbardziej drażliwych tematów stojących przed USA", i to w przededniu konferencji poczdamskiej. Jeszcze bardziej upokarzające dla Bliss Lane'a okazało się kolejne spotkanie z J.Byrnesem w Paryżu 6 lipca 1945 roku. Zaczepiony przed hotelem przez ambasadora sekretarz stanu miał mu odpowiedzieć zniecierpliwiony zamykając drzwi od samochodu: „Słuchaj Arthur, te rzeczy po prostu mnie nie interesują. Nie chcę, by zawracano mi nimi głowę”. Do Warszawy amerykański dyplomata przybył jednak dopiero 1 sierpnia 1945 r., po drodze z własnej inicjatywy zatrzymując się na nocleg w Poczdamie, gdzie trwały obrady konferencji Wielkiej Trójki.

Arthur Bliss Lane przebywał w Polsce od 1 sierpnia 1945 do 24 lutego 1947 roku, przez cały ten okres kierując pracami ambasady ulokowanej w pokojach warszawskiego hotelu "Polonia". Szczegółowy opis tego okresu znajduje się w publikowanych wspomnieniach ambasadora, które ukazały się w języku polskim nakładem wyd. Krąg w 1984 r. pt. "Widziałem Polskę zdradzoną". Spośród zagadnień podejmowanych przez ambasadora, które stanowiły także o charakterze relacji dwustronnych amerykańsko-polskich najistotniejszymi były: wybory parlamentarne, które zgodnie z zapisami Jałty i Poczdamu miało cechować "wolne i nieskrępowane" głosowanie, problem udzielenia Tymczasowemu Rządowi Jedności Narodowej kredytów w wysokości 90 milionów dolarów, rekompensata za znacjonalizowane mienie amerykańskie, zwolnienie z więzień osób deklarujących amerykańskie obywatelstwo, a także swoboda relacjonowania wydarzeń w Polsce przez amerykańskich dziennikarzy.

W dniu 19 stycznia 1947 roku, wspólnie z ambasadorem brytyjskim - Victorem Cavendish Bentinckiem - Bliss Lane zorganizował 16 zespołów obserwujących przebieg głosowania na obszarze Polski. W wyniku tej akcji do Waszyngtonu i Londynu trafiły obszerne raporty w oparciu o który bez cienia wątpliwości uznano, iż wybory w Polsce były pogwałceniem postanowień z Jałty i Poczdamu, gdyż cechowały je "przemoc i oszustwo".


Na własną prośbę
Po powrocie do USA (sam poprosił o dymisję) Bliss Lane odszedł ze służby dyplomatycznej i zajął się publicystyką, podejmując głównie zagadnienia dotyczące losu Polski. W latach 1947-1956.

Arthur Bliss Lane był członkiem, a nierzadko honorowym przewodniczącym takich organizacji o charakterze antykomunistycznym jak np.:

Common Cause Inc.,
American Commitee for the Investigation of the Katyn Massacre,
National Commitee for a Free Europe,
Paderewski Testimonial Fund,
J. McGrew National Committee for Free Europe (od 1949 Committee to Stop World Communism),
National Committee of Operation Democracy,
Institute of Fiscal and Political Education,
Tolstoy Foundation (od 1954),
DACOR Diplomatic and Consular Officers Retired.
Brał również udział w pracach Republican National Committee’s Foreign Language Groups. Był jednym ze sponsorów pisma The Polish Review. W archiwum dyplomaty znajduje się duża liczba artykułów prasowych świadczących o jego niemalejącym zainteresowaniu Polską do jego śmierci w 1956 roku.


Bibliografia
Archiwalia
Arthur Bliss Lane Papers, Sterling Memorial Library, Yale University, New Heaven CT.
Wspomnienia
A.Bliss Lane,I Saw Poland Betrayed. An American Ambassador Reports to the American People, New York 1948;
A.Bliss Lane, Widziałem Polskę zdradzoną, Warszawa 1984.
Opracowania
V.Petrov, A Study in Diplomacy. The Story of Arthur Bliss Lane, Chicago 1971;
John A. Sylvester, Arthur Bliss Lane. A Career Diplomat, Universtiy of Wisconsin 1967 ;
John L.Armstrong, More than a Diplomatic Mission; The American Embassy and the Ambassador Arthur Bliss Lane in Polish Politics, July 1945-February 1947, University of Wisconsin-Madison 1990.

Buchanans false image of Hitler in to the "Unnecessary War"

Buchanans false image of Hitler in to the "Unnecessary War"

Patrick Buchanan presents a false picture of Hitler’s rationality and intentions in his book „Hitler, Churchill and the Unnecessary War.” There are few people that would question the opinion that Hitler was a disgrace for Germany, and brought calamity known as “Gotterdammerung,” to German people, by his foolish notions of German superiority, and his lack of education and command experience. Buchanan seems to be unaware of Hitler’s Parkinson’s Disease, which was contracted after his gas-poisoning on the western front during WWI.

In a German military hospital, after difficult recovery and a bout of blindness, caused by the gas poisoning, Hitler contracted meningitis and suffered an other attack of blindness, and wound up with permanently trembling left hand, as well as, personality change, which made him more cunning than he was earlier. Hitler was from then on worried about his own longevity and during his political career he was a man in a hurry, which fact was well described by professor M. Kamil Dziewanowski in his book “War at Any Price.”

Hitler thought that he was “Germany’s man of destiny” and that only he could accomplish his conquest of “Lebensraum” for the next German millennium. In fact the essence of the policies of the Hitler’s government, at all times, was the implementation of the doctrine of Lebensraum, or “German living space.”

The aim of Hitler’s government was to size the lands inhabited by others, who were to be enslaved or exterminated and replaced by “racial Germans.” These aims were to be realized by a series of wars. Each time Germany was to launch a quick, victorious campaign against w weaker, unprepared, and isolated enemy, whose resources were to help prepare for the next war.

This sequence was to lead to the conquest of the great agricultural lands of the Slavic two-thirds of Europe, and eventually to Germany’s hegemony over the entire world. These lands, located mainly in the Soviet Union and Poland, were to become German Lebensraum during Hitler’s lifetime. Hitler did not want to hear such warnings as that the American steel making capacity was the largest in the world and that USA, located between two oceans, enjoyed a uniquely strong and advantageous strategic position.

Hitler hoped that the German “Aryan” population would double under his rule, thanks to earlier marriages and larger families, while Germans with hereditary defect were to be sterilized. In fact eventually, Hitler’s government kidnapped some one-half million blond children from occupied Poland to be brought up in Germany as “racial Germans.”

Hitler believed that the Jewish minority was the main enemy of internal German racial purity and an important focus for consolidation at home in preparation for expansion abroad. Hitler felt that the wars for German Lebensraum represented an inevitable life-and-death struggle between races for the “survival of the fittest.” Hitler was willing to let Germany perish in his attempt to implement the doctrine of lebensraum, rather than turn back and be “disgraced forever.”

The fact that Hitler lacked education and preparation for the task he set for Germany, under his rule, is evidenced during Hitler’s writing in prison in Bavaria of his “Mein Kampf” program. There Hitler was visited and given eight lengthy lectures on by major general, professor of geopolitics, as well as editor of “Zeitschrift fuer Geopolitik,” Karl Haushofer (1869-sicide in 1946). The cell mate of Hitler, Rudolf Hess, was a student of Haushofer and he arranged for his visits with Hitler in prison, in order to help Hitler formulate a strategy, for which task Hitler was not prepared either by schooling or experience.

Hauhoffer taught Hitler that the defeat of the Soviet Union was of fundamental importance and that the control of the Soviet and Arab oil would put Germany in position to gradually acquire British and French colonies by blackmail. without fighting a war. “Germanic Britain” was also to be junior partner of continental German-Nazi power. This notion caused Hitler to treat “gently” the British on the battlefield and during escape to England from France in 1940, in comparison to the atrocities ordered by Hitler in Poland beginning in 1939.

Hitler believed that his own intuition and eight lectures by Haushofer, qualified him to be the “Germany’s commander in chief.” Hitler learned from Haushofer that Germany lost WWI because of insufficient food and manpower and therefore should form a strategically and numerically superior anti-Soviet alliance of Germany, Japan, Poland and other countries in order to destroy the Soviet-Union in a simultaneous attacks from east and west, without having to fight on a western front. For this purpose Hitler formed the “Anti-Comintern Pact” which according to Buchanan, Poland should have joined and thereby “saved the world” from an “Unnecessary War.”

Patrick Buchanan seams to be oblivious of all the facts mentioned above, and the real history of Hitler’s efforts to persuade Poland to join the Anti-Comintern Pact, which were described among others in the book “Diplomat in Berlin, 1933-1939” by Józef Lipski, Polish Ambassador to Germany during Hitler’s administration. Soviet fear of a two-front war, simultaneously against Germany and Japan, is well described by Pavel Sudoplatov, an NKVD general under Beria, in his book “Special Tasks.” The attack on the Soviet Union from east and west was “Hitler’s best case scenario” supported by the German military commanders.

Poland was in hopeless situation being located within Hitler’s Lebensraum and considered a spoiler of grandiose Lenin’s plans for “Communist World Revolution,” because of the Polish spectacular victory over the Red Army, in the Polish-Soviet war of 1920. At that time the commander of the Red Army, Mikhail Tukhachevsky’s order of July 4, 1920 was: “To the West, over the corpse of “White” Poland, on the road to the worldwide conflagration.”

Hitler’s fury against Poland was caused not only by Poland’s refusal to join in the German-Japanese attack on the Soviet Union; but also by being an obstacle to German access to the Soviet territory. Poland’s resolve to defend itself, actually derailed Hitler’s strategy and drove him to betray his Japanese allies who were fighting the Siberian Soviet army since 1937.

Thus, the Japanese considered Hiller a traitor, never to be trusted again, but to be used in the coming Japanese-American war. Japan not only lodged a formal protest in Berlin against the “Ribbentrop – Molotov Pact,” but also started cease-fire negotiations with the Soviets after extremely heavy losses in the battle on the Kalka River at Kalkhim-Gol. A Soviet-Japanese cease-fire was signed on September 15, 1939, it was put in force the next day, on Sept. 16th and on September 17th 1939, the Red Army, freed of the hostilities against Japan, joined the Germans in the invasion of Poland.

Note: Books by Iwo Cyprian Pogonowski
Jews in Poland - A Documentary History
Hippocrene Books, January 1998; 432 pages
ISBN: 0781806046
Poland - An Illustrated History
Hippocrene Books (2000 - First Printing; 2003 - Second Printing; 2008 – Third Printing);
282 pages
ISBN: 0-7818-0757-3
Poland - A Historical Atlas
Hippocrene Books, New York 1987 - First Printing; 1988 -Third Printing;
320 pages
ISBN: 0-87052-282-5


To the Editor of
The American Conservative,
P.O. Box 9030, Maple Shade, NJ 08052.

Half Million people coming to Obama in Germany Berlin today.

Half Million people coming to Obama in Germany Berlin today.

Half Million people coming to Obama in Germany Berlin today.





Obama Berlin the new Kennedy, we are all together for the good future of the World.


It is possible for half million people in Berlin Today to show the support for Obama
Sen. Barack Obama will speak in Berlin before the Victory Column in the Tiergarten with the Brandenburg Gate just down the road.
Germany has swiftly developed a serious case of Obama-mania. Obama's high standing goes beyond his opposition to the Iraq War, which has always been unpopular here. The sudden crush is intimately bound up with the near constant comparisons here between the young senator from Illinois and President John F. Kennedy - still admired in Germany and particularly in Berlin - which have stuck fast as his identity in the German press. The Berliner Morgenpost over the weekend ran with the headline, "The New Kennedy." The tabloid Bild went with, "This Black American Has Become the New Kennedy!

John Wayne " I don't do those things to other people and I require the same from them."

John Paul II Peace to the world Pope message:

" Do not be afraid! You the people have to decide about your own future "

Jerzy Bajan Polski Pilot Champion 1936 Marek Bajan Polish Champion Modern Pentathlon 1978-81

Jerzy Bajan Polski Pilot Champion 1936 Marek Bajan Polish Champion Modern Pentathlon 1978-81


He was born in Lwów (Lviv, at that time part of the Habsburg monarchy. After Poland had regained idependence in 1918, at the age of 17 he volunteered for the Polish Army. He was one of young Lwów defenders ("Lwów Eaglets"). Next he served in cavalry, and later in infantry, during the Polish-Soviet war of 1920. In 1922 he applied for the Polish Air Force.
Despite problems with health, he completed Officer Flying School in Grudziądz and a higher pilotage course in Bydgoszcz and became a fighter pilot. In 1927 he served in 114th Fighter Escadre in Lida, from 1928 moved to Cracov and renamed the 122nd Fighter Escadre of the 2nd Fighter Regiment. In the beginning of 1930s he was promoted to Captain.

[edit] Sport activities
During service in a fighter unit, his passion became aerobatics. Along with Karol Pniak and Corporal Macek he formed the first aerobatic team in Poland, so-called "Bajan's trio". The flew on air shows on PWS-A fighters, the wings of which were tied together by ropes.
Bajan also took part in aviation contests. In July-August 1930 he took part in International Touring Aircraft Contest, the Challenge 1930, flying the RWD-4, with his escadre's chief mechanic Gustaw Pokrzywka as a crewman. He completed it on far 32th place, but completing the contest was a success itself (for 60 starting crews). In 1931 Bajan won an aerobatic contest during an air meeting in Zagreb. Between 22-31 July 1932 he took part in the 3rd International Air Meeting in Zurich (or "Alpen rally"), flying a prototype fighter PZL P.11, and he came second (the first place of the Yugoslavian pilot was debated, because of using additions for fuel).
In 12-28 August 1932 Bajan took part in another Challenge 1932 contest, flying the PZL.19, again with Pokrzywka, and completed on 11th place (for 43 starting crews). In May 1933 they took part in a rally to Vienna, for the 1st Alpen Flight Contest, covering in two stages 4063 km Warsaw-Kharkov-Leningrad-Lwów-Vienna route and winning the 1st place in a rally. During the contest itself, their PZL.19 was thrown by a wind to the trees while taking off from Baltant near Treibach, and then burnt; Bajan and Pokrzywka bailed out successfully.
In the last International Touring Aircraft Contest, the Challenge 1934, set up between 28 August and 19 September 1934 in Warsaw, Bajan came as a winner, flying RWD-9 with Gustaw Pokrzywka as a crewman. Therefore, he became one of most popular aviators in Poland.

[edit] Later military career
In the second part of the 1930s, Bajan was promoted to Major. After a practice in Great Britain, he became a Chief of Training in a Higher Flying School in Grudziądz. In 1936-1938 he studied at Higher War School in Warsaw, which he graduated. On 15 June 1939, in a rank of Colonel, he became a chief of Flying Cadet School in Flying Officer Training Centre in Dęblin.

[edit] World War II and post-war
After outbreak of World War II, Bajan was injured in a left hand duing a Luftwaffe bombing raid on Dęblin on 2 September 1939, and his hand became disabled. Along with other Polih pilots, he broke through to France in 1940, then to Great Britain. He occupied staff positions in the Polish Air Force in exile, but he also occasionally flew aircraft, having attached a hook to his hand. He served initially in a Polish Air Force Inspectorate. From 7 April to 17 October 1941 he was the first Polish liaison officer in Royal Air Force Training Command (a chief of the Polish training aviation in Great Britain). In 1942 he took part in several combat flights in the Polish No. 316 Fighter Squadron. From 1 June 1943, after death of Stefan Pawlikowski, he became a Polish liaison officer in RAF Fighter Command - a chief of the Polish fighter aviation. Promoted to Colonel, he occupied this position until post-war, when it was liquidated.
After the war he stayed in London instead of returning to communist-ruled country. Bajan actively worked in the Polish Aviators Association in Great Britain, serving as its president for a time. He led the historical commission, that researched a list of Polish air victories during World War II, so-called "Bajan's list". He also was a co-founder of the Polish Gliding Club at Lasham. He received disability benefits. Bajan died on 27 June 1967 in London.

[edit] References
Jerzy R. Konieczny, Tadeusz Malinowski: Mała encyklopedia lotników polskich, WKiŁ, Warsaw 1983, ISBN 83-206-0337-4 (Polish)
Marek Bajan

3 times Champion of Poland in Modern Pentathlon, coach, participant in the Olympic Games in Moscow (1980).

Born on 29 July, 1956, in Krasnik Fabryczny, Poland, in the intelligentsia family of Mieczyslaw and Krystyna (maiden name Kowal), an alumnus of Mikolaj Rey High School (1975) and Academy of Physical Education (1985) where he studied physical education and got an MA degree in sports. A pentathlon competitor (178 cm, 68 kg), a trainee in Lotnik Warszawa club (1973-1975) coached by Boleslaw Bogdan; later on in his sporting career a representative of one of the capital’s sporting clubs Legia (since 1976) and of another one – Lumel – from Zielona Gora (since 1981). He was said to be an exceptionally hard-working sportsman. A very good horse-rider, fencer and swimmer. Champion of Poland (1978, 1979, 1981).

He debuted on the international arena during the junior World Championships in San Antonio, USA (1977), where he took 15th place individually and 5th as a team.
An Olympic Games in Moscow 18th place (1980). When he finished his sporting career he took to coaching – first in fencing only, then in women’s pentathlon in Berlin, Germany.
Married to Anna Stein (also a pentathlon Champion); father to 3 children: Agnieszka (born 1982), Michal (1990) and Filip (1993).
Alex Lech Bajan
CEO
RAQport Inc.
2004 North Monroe Street
Arlington Virginia 22207
Washington DC Area
USA
TEL: 703-528-0114
TEL2: 703-652-0993
FAX: 703-940-8300
sms: 703-485-6619
EMAIL: polonia@raqport.com
WEB SITE: http://raqport.com

Obraźliwa dla Polaków Ekspozycja w Muzeum Emigrantów w Halifaksie, Kanada

Obraźliwa dla Polaków Ekspozycja w Muzeum Emigrantów w Halifaksie, Kanada
Obraźliwa dla Polaków Ekspozycja w Muzeum Emigrantów w Halifaksie, Kanada
Opublikował/a redakcjawp w dniu 2008-07-22
List do Redakcji
Halifax, Kanada , 21 lipiec 2008


Każdy kto zwiedza wschodnie prowincje Kanady a zwłaszcza Nowa Szkocje, winien odwiedzić w Halifaksie Muzeum Emigrantów mieszczące się w portowym budynku, przy molu zwanym Pier 21. Przez ten budynek w ciągu 50 lat od czasu pierwszej wojny światowej przewinęło się około miliona europejskich emigrantów do Kanady.
Zwiedzający maja możliwość obejrzeć film „dokumentarny” albo raczej artystyczna ilustracje tego co się kiedyś w tym budynku działo, w czasie kiedy emigranci lądowali w Halifaksie.
Jednym z takich symbolicznych emigrantów w pokazanym w tym filmie była mała, 10 letnia, chyba, polska Żydówka, która opowiadała pielęgniarce, że uciekła z Getta i ukrywała się w chrześcijańskiej rodzinie, która ciągle ja straszyła, że jak nie będzie grzeczna to ją oddadzą w ręce „władz”. Widz odnosi wrażenie, że te „władze” są władzami polskimi i to one są odpowiedzialne za tego dziecka tragedię i śmierć jej rodziców. Na zakończenie pielęgniarka uspokaja dziecko, że teraz nie musi się niczego bać i już nigdy jej nie wyślą z powrotem do Polski. Nigdzie w tym filmie nie jest wspomniane o Niemcach albo nawet Nazistach, którzy ostatnio są modnym zastępstwem dla niemieckich zbrodniarzy z okresu wojny. Film ten mocno nas zbulwersował i za namową mej amerykańskiej żony napisałem list protestacyjny do Muzeum Pier 21 jak i prasy kanadyjskiej i odnośnych ambasad, polskiej w Ottawie i kanadyjskiej w Warszawie. Moja reakcja była podyktowana faktem, ze rodzice dwojga moich bliskich przyjaciół z narażeniem własnego i swych dzieci życia, wykradli z Getta i ocalili, dwie miale Żydówki w podobnym wieku do dziewczynki pokazanej we wspomnianym obraźliwym filmie.
Szkalowanie Polski i Polaków ciągle jest w toku na amerykańskim kontynencie i można je znaleźć w najmniej spodziewanych miejscach i okolicznościach, nawet w wydawałoby się w przyjaznej Polakom Kanadzie.
Jeśli ktoś chciałby zasięgnąć więcej informacji z samego źródła, oto jest adres tego Muzeum: Pier 21 Society1055 Marginal RoadHalifax, Nova Scotia B3H 4P6Canada
Telephone Switchboard: (902) 425-7770 Fax: (902) 423-4045Email: info@pier21.ca Dr.inz. Jan Czekajewski
Columbus, Ohio, USA
Członek Polskiego Instytutu Naukowego (PIASA) w NY
janczek@aol.com
Pier 21 Society Staff
Alex Lech BajanCEORAQport Inc.2004 North Monroe StreetArlington Virginia 22207Washington DC AreaUSATEL: 703-528-0114TEL2: 703-652-0993FAX: 703-940-8300sms: 703-485-6619EMAIL: polonia@raqport.comWEB SITE: http://raqport.comReplacement for the SUN COBALT RAQ LINENew Centos BlueQuartz with GUIsupply and global tech support
Polskie obozy koncentracyjne? "Upside Down"

The Next Big Wave is Breaking

The Next Big Wave is BreakingFannie Mae Freddie Mac and US Mortgage DebtInterview on the Causes of High Oil PricesOn the Global Research News Hour on RBNGeorgia, Washington and Moscow:A Nuclear Geopolitical Poker GameWorld Bank Secret Report confirms Biofuel Cause of World Food CrisisThe Financial Tsunami has not reached its ClimaxCredit Default Swaps:Next Phase of an Unravelling Crisis, 5 June 2008Die nächste Finanzkrise: Credit Default SwapsThe Seed BaronsHow Big Ag, Big Oil & Big GovernmentAre Hijacking the World’s Food SupplyAn Interview with Acres U.S.A. MagazineReview of “Seeds of Destruction” in Teheran Times The hidden agenda of genetic manipulationPERHAPS 60% OF TODAY'SOIL PRICE IS PURE SPECULATIONMore on the real reason behind high oil prices / Part II

Jako Polak z USA Washington DC 20 lat przekazuje najlepsze dla Ludzi Gromu

Jako Polak z USA Washington DC 20 lat przekazuje najlepsze dla Ludzi Gromu
wchoraj spotkalem amerykana, jedzie do Afganistanu za 2 tyg. byl z wami IRAQ, tezaz ma brode, jak rodem z Aganistanu przekazal zyczenia dla Gromu. Powiedzial ze Polacy z Grom to nalepsi z najlepszych. Nie dal mi zaplacic rachunku. Mialem lzy w oczach. =Dziekuje Grom co robicie dla Polski. To nie jest dla partii ale dla nas i dla Polski.
Statek Polish Ship Stefan Czrnecki nie mogl doplynac na czas bo nie bylo zgody USA
Wojsko Polskie - GROM - Irak 2002-2004 (2)

Polish Pope still a life Jan Pawel Wojtyla " world peace and prosperity "

Polish Pope still a life Jan Pawel Wojtyla " world peace and prosperity "


Pope John Paul II on Love in Chicago 1979


Pope John Paul II - Part 1

JAN PAWEŁ II "POWROTY DO OJCZYZNY"

Kłamstwa historyczne [Ring(TVP1)] 3/3

Kłamstwa historyczne [Ring(TVP1)] 3/3

The inevitable collapse of the dollar US Consumption on Credit paid by the Entire World.

The inevitable collapse of the dollar US Consumption on Credit paid by the Entire World.

Dollar Collapse - Firms Which Underpin Trillions In Home Loans Implode - Bailout Equals Dollar Destruction


Ron Paul at Financial Services Hearing 7/10/08

Ron Paul on the Economic Collapse!

Historyk IPN o infiltracji Polonii Amerykanskiej

Historyk IPN o infiltracji Polonii Amerykanskiej
Slawomir Cenckiewicz,
(dokument mp3, 29 MB)
IPN historian Slawomir Cenckiewicz talks about Polonia IPN historian about Polonia infiltraded by communist agents - interview by Lucja Sliwa with Slawomir Cenckiewicz:http://poloniasf.org/polish/cenckiewicz2007.mp3 Po Polsku:Historyk IPN o infiltracji Polonii Amerykanskiej - Lucja Sliwa i jej gosc Slawomir Cenckiewicz:http://poloniasf.org/polish/cenckiewicz2007.mp3
d Prąd, odc. 26 - Sławomir Cenckiewicz

dr Sławomir Cenckiewicz
Naczelnik Oddziałowego Biura Edukacji Publicznej w Gdańsku
Historyk i publicysta. Urodził się w 1971 r. w Gdyni. Jest absolwentem Instytutu Historii Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego. W 1997 r. obronił pracę magisterską pod kierunkiem prof. Romana Wapińskiego na podstawie rozprawy Geneza opozycji lewicowo-liberalnej w PRL (1956–1968). W 2003 r. w Instytucie Historii UG doktoryzował się na podstawie rozprawy Tadeusz Katelbach (1897–1977). Biografia polityczna (promotor – prof. Roman Wapiński).
W latach 2003–2005 był adiunktem w Instytucie Historii UG. W latach 2001–2006 pracował w referacie naukowym Oddziałowego Biura Edukacji Publicznej IPN w Gdańsku. W 2006 r. został kierownikiem sekcji Edycji Źródeł i Informacji Naukowej w Biurze Udostępniania i Archiwizacji Dokumentów IPN w Warszawie.
W pracy naukowej specjalizuje się w dziejach polskiej emigracji politycznej, Polonii amerykańskiej, aparatu bezpieczeństwa PRL i ruchów antykomunistycznych w PRL. Prowadził badania naukowe w Anglii i Stanach Zjednoczonych. Współpracuje m. in. z Instytutem Piłsudskiego w Nowym Jorku i Zarządem Głównym Stowarzyszenia Weteranów Armii Polskiej w Nowym Jorku. Był dwukrotnym stypendystą Polonia Aid Foundation Trust w Londynie (2000 r. i 2004 r.). W 2000 r. otrzymał grant Fundacji Kościuszkowskiej w Nowym Jorku. Od 2005 r. jest stypendystą Free Speech Foundation w Chicago.
W latach 2003–2005 był sekretarzem redakcji rocznika naukowego „Niepodległość”. Jest członkiem redakcji kwartalnika naukowego IPN „Aparat represji w Polsce Ludowej 1944–1989”. Od 1999 r. jest członkiem Rady Porozumiewawczej Badań nad Polonią.
Autor ponad stu publikacji naukowych, popularnonaukowych i źródłowych. Stale współpracuje z tygodnikiem „Wprost”. Opublikował cztery książki źródłowe i dwie autorskie – Oczami bezpieki. Szkice i materiały z dziejów aparatu bezpieczeństwa PRL, Kraków 2004, Wydawnictwo „Arcana” (wyróżniona II nagrodą w Konkursie Literackim im. Józefa Mackiewicza w 2005 r. oraz wyróżnieniem w Konkursie Literackim im. Brutusa w 2005 r.) oraz Tadeusz Katelbach (1897–1977). Biografia polityczna, Warszawa 2005, Wydawnictwo LTW (Nagroda im. Jerzego Łojka w 2006 r.).
W październiku 2006 r. został wyróżniony „za wybitne osiągnięcia w badaniach nad Polonią w latach 2003–2006” przez Stowarzyszenie Naukowe „Polska w Świecie”. W listopadzie 2006 r. za „wzorowe wykonywanie powierzonych obowiązków w zakresie pracy naukowej” otrzymał nagrodę Prezesa IPN dr. hab. Janusza Kurtyki.
Publikował m. in. na łamach „Arcanów” (Kraków), „Niepodległości” (Nowy Jork–Londyn–Warszawa), „Biuletynu IPN” (Warszawa), „Pamięci i Sprawiedliwości” (Warszawa), „Dziejów Najnowszych” (Warszawa), „Orła Białego” (Londyn), „Wprost” (Warszawa), „Tygodnika Solidarność” (Warszawa), „Rzeczpospolitej” (Warszawa) i „Christianitas” (Warszawa).
Aktualnie prowadzi badania z zakresu strategii obozu władzy i działań operacyjnych SB wobec opozycji antykomunistycznej w Trójmieście w latach 1976–1980 oraz Sierpnia ‘80, a także polityki komunistów wobec Polonii amerykańskiej w latach 1944–1989.
W dniu 22 lipca 2006 r. decyzją ministra obrony narodowej Radosława Sikorskiego został przewodniczącym Komisji ds. Likwidacji Wojskowych Służb Informacyjnych. Funkcję tę pełnił do dnia 30 października 2006 r. Był także doradcą ministra Antoniego Macierewicza – Pełnomocnika ds. organizacji i Szefa Służby Kontrwywiadu Wojskowego.

Russia cuts Czech oil supplies after radar deal with US

Russia cuts Czech oil supplies after radar deal with US
(DPA)

13 July 2008 Print E-mail
Prague/Moscow - Russia slashed oil supplies to the Czech Republic immediately after last week's signing of a Czech-US missile defence agreement, Czech officials confirmed Sunday.

But Czech government commissioner Vaclav Bartuska denied the move was in retaliation for Prague allowing Washington to base a radar system on its soil as part of a missile shield programme opposed by Moscow.

Speaking to Deutsche Presse-Agentur dpa, Bartuska ruled out a technical problem, citing the uninterrupted flow of Russian oil to neighbouring countries such as Poland.

He also said a retaliatory move was unlikely because his country could easily obtain oil via another pipeline running through Germany.

But he declined to comment on reports from Moscow that the reduction might be linked to an internal Russian conflict over oil export rights in the wake of the handover of power in the Kremlin.

The Czech government has asked Moscow to explain the reason for the reduction, which began on July 4, but increased markedly after US Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice and Czech Foreign Minister Karel Schwarzenberg signed the radar deal on July 8.

The business magazine Euro said cutback in supplies via the Drushba pipeline could go down from the agreed 500,000 tons in July to 300,000 tons.

Russia has in the past reduced energy supplies to the West for both political and economic reasons. Oil concern Lukoil has cut deliveries to Germany twice in recent months because it was unhappy at the price being paid.

Supplies to the Baltic nation of Lithuania via a northern branch of the Drushba pipeline have been cut for two years, because of what Moscow calls a technical defect. EU and NATO leaders believe political motives are the reason.

In 2006, Russia's Gazprom cut gas supplies to Ukraine in a pricing dispute and accused the country of siphoning off supplies meant for other countries.

Ukraine and its Western allies saw the move as a political warning to the country's pro-Western leadership, something which Moscow denied.

The Folly of Attacking Iran Lessons from History

The Folly of Attacking Iran Lessons from History


Mossadeq and Oil Nationalization
From 1949 on, sentiment for nationalization of Iran's oil industry grew. In 1949 the Majlis approved the First Development Plan (1948-55), which called for comprehensive agricultural and industrial development of the country. The Plan Organization was established to administer the program, which was to be financed in large part from oil revenues. Politically conscious Iranians were aware, however, that the British government derived more revenue from taxing the concessionaire, the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC--formerly the Anglo-Persian Oil Company), than the Iranian government derived from royalties. The oil issue figured prominently in elections for the Majlis in 1949, and nationalists in the new Majlis were determined to renegotiate the AIOC agreement. In November 1950, the Majlis committee concerned with oil matters, headed by Mossadeq, rejected a draft agreement in which the AIOC had offered the government slightly improved terms. These terms did not include the fifty-fifty profit-sharing provision that was part of other new Persian Gulf oil concessions.

Subsequent negotiations with the AIOC were unsuccessful, partly because General Ali Razmara, who became prime minister in June 1950, failed to persuade the oil company of the strength of nationalist feeling in the country and in the Majlis. When the AIOC finally offered fifty-fifty profit-sharing in February 1951, sentiment for nationalization of the oil industry had become widespread. Razmara advised against nationalization on technical grounds and was assassinated in March 1951 by Khalil Tahmasebi, a member of the militant Fadayan-e Islam. On March 15, the Majlis voted to nationalize the oil industry. In April the shah yielded to Majlis pressure and demonstrations in the streets by naming Mossadeq prime minister.

Oil production came to a virtual standstill as British technicians left the country, and Britain imposed a worldwide embargo on the purchase of Iranian oil. In September 1951, Britain froze Iran's sterling assets and banned export of goods to Iran. It challenged the legality of the oil nationalization and took its case against Iran to the International Court of Justice at The Hague. The court found in Iran's favor, but the dispute between Iran and the AIOC remained unsettled. Under United States pressure, the AIOC improved its offer to Iran. The excitement generated by the nationalization issue, anti-British feeling, agitation by radical elements, and the conviction among Mossadeq's advisers that Iran's maximum demands would, in the end, be met, however, led the government to reject all offers. The economy began to suffer from the loss of foreign exchange and oil revenues.

Meanwhile, Mossadeq's growing popularity and power led to political chaos and eventual United States intervention. Mossadeq had come to office on the strength of support from the National Front and other parties in the Majlis and as a result of his great popularity. His popularity, growing power, and intransigence on the oil issue were creating friction between the prime minister and the shah. In the summer of 1952, the shah refused the prime minister's demand for the power to appoint the minister of war (and, by implication, to control the armed forces). Mossadeq resigned, three days of pro-Mossadeq rioting followed, and the shah was forced to reappoint Mossadeq to head the government.

As domestic conditions deteriorated, however, Mossadeq's populist style grew more autocratic. In August 1952, the Majlis acceded to his demand for full powers in all affairs of government for a six-month period. These special powers were subsequently extended for a further six-month term. He also obtained approval for a law to reduce, from six years to two years, the term of the Senate (established in 1950 as the upper house of the Majlis), and thus brought about the dissolution of that body. Mossadeq's support in the lower house of the Majlis (also called the Majlis) was dwindling, however, so on August 3, 1953, the prime minister organized a plebiscite for the dissolution of the Majlis, claimed a massive vote in favor of the proposal, and dissolved the legislative body.

The administration of President Harry S Truman initially had been sympathetic to Iran's nationalist aspirations. Under the administration of President Dwight D. Eisenhower, however, the United States came to accept the view of the British government that no reasonable compromise with Mossadeq was possible and that, by working with the Tudeh, Mossadeq was making probable a communist-inspired takeover. Mossadeq's intransigence and inclination to accept Tudeh support, the Cold War atmosphere, and the fear of Soviet influence in Iran also shaped United States thinking. In June 1953, the Eisenhower administration approved a British proposal for a joint Anglo-American operation, code-named Operation Ajax, to overthrow Mossadeq. Kermit Roosevelt of the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) traveled secretly to Iran to coordinate plans with the shah and the Iranian military, which was led by General Fazlollah Zahedi.

In accord with the plan, on August 13 the shah appointed Zahedi prime minister to replace Mossadeq. Mossadeq refused to step down and arrested the shah's emissary. This triggered the second stage of Operation Ajax, which called for a military coup. The plan initially seemed to have failed, the shah fled the country, and Zahedi went into hiding. After four days of rioting, however, the tide turned. On August 19, pro-shah army units and street crowds defeated Mossadeq's forces. The shah returned to the country. Mossadeq was sentenced to three years' imprisonment for trying to overthrow the monarchy, but he was subsequently allowed to remain under house arrest in his village outside Tehran until his death in 1967. His minister of foreign affairs, Hosain Fatemi, was sentenced to death and executed. Hundreds of National Front leaders, Tudeh Party officers, and political activists were arrested; several Tudeh army officers were also sentenced to death.

The Shock Doctrine by Alfonso Cuarón and Naomi Klein

The Shock Doctrine by Alfonso Cuarón and Naomi Klein

To polski zdrajca zabił gen. Władysława Sikorskiego

To polski zdrajca zabił gen. Władysława Sikorskiego

"To polski zdrajca zabił gen. Władysława Sikorskiego!"
Polscy żołnierze obwiniali Sikorskiego o ugodowość wobec Rosji, skutkiem której była Jałta
(© PAP)
Dariusz Baliszewski
2008-07-04, aktualizacja: 2008-07-04 00:08:35

Jestem przekonany, że zamach zaplanowali Brytyjczycy, a wykonali polskimi rękami - mówi historyk.

Z Dariuszem Baliszewskim, historykiem, współautorem filmu o śmierci gen. Władysława Sikorskiego, rozmawia Anna Gwozdowska

Równo 65 lat temu zginął gen. Władysław Sikorski. Czy historycy nie za szybko przesądzili, że był to zamach?
Istnieje na to dowód naukowy. Wiemy, że samolot z Sikorskim na pokładzie spadł bardzo blisko brzegu. Według prof. Jerzego Maryniaka z Politechniki Warszawskiej, który przeprowadził symulację feralnego lotu, jakakolwiek usterka samolotu spowodowałaby, że spadłby 5-10 mil od Gibraltaru. Samolot musiał więc być w pełni sterowny. Nie uległ katastrofie, tylko wodował.

Czy ktoś weryfikował wyniki tych badań?
Zostały później potwierdzone przez kilka międzynarodowych instytutów.

Kto zlecił zamach na gen. Sikorskiego?
Jestem przekonany, że zaplanowali go Brytyjczycy, a wykonali polskimi rękami. Generał zginął w pałacu gubernatorskim na Gibraltarze, inni Polacy zginęli w samolocie.

Dlaczego Sikorski musiał zginąć?
Żeby to zrozumieć, trzeba wrócić do tego, co działo się w 1943 r. Trwał tzw. kryzys katyński. Sowieci zerwali z nami stosunki. Równocześnie w maju Niemcy zaprosili Sikorskiego do Katynia, gwarantując mu bezpieczeństwo, a propaganda niemiecka próbowała montować z nami jakieś porozumienie polityczne. Zaś sami Sowieci mieli prowadzić w Stambule rozmowy z Niemcami.

I co z tego wynika?
Winston Churchill, premier Wielkiej Brytanii, mógł żywić obawy, że antyhitlerowski sojusz się rozpada. Polska przez swój konflikt z Rosją zaczęła mu przeszkadzać. Sikorski stał na drodze planowanych wspólnie ze Stalinem i Rooseveltem przemian w Europie.

Polska przeszkadzała także Rosjanom, którzy nota bene mieli w rządzie brytyjskim szpiega i łatwo im było urządzić zamach tak, aby podejrzenie padło na Anglików...
To niczego nie przesądza. W polskim rządzie było aż trzech sowieckich agentów. Stalinowi śmierć Sikorskiego nie była potrzebna. Dla niego nie miało znaczenia, czy na czele rządu stał Sikorski, czy później Mikołajczyk. I tak na oczach całego świata zorganizował później proces szesnastu i nikt nawet palcem nie kiwnął w obronie polskich bohaterów.

IPN zbada tajemnicę śmierci generała Sikorskiego

Czy generał Sikorski został zamordowany?

Anna Gwozdowska: Zagadka Gibraltaru

Brytyjczykom zależało na śmierci gen. Sikorskiego

Zamach na Sikorskiego zlecili i wykonali Sowieci
Dlaczego podejrzewa Pan, że zamachu dokonano polskimi rękami?
Jest wiele poszlak, które o tym świadczą. Stanisław Skalski, polski as lotnictwa, wprost zapytał Churchilla o śmierć generała. Były już wtedy premier odpowiedział mu, że prawdy nie dowiemy się wcześniej niż za 100 lat i odradził Polakom dopominanie się o nią. Myślę, że sugerował w ten sposób, że istnieje jakiś polski ślad.

Polakom miałoby zależeć na śmierci wodza?
Sikorski był przez polskich żołnierzy znienawidzony. Jego polityka doprowadziła Polskę do Teheranu, Jałty i Poczdamu.

Krytyczna ocena polityki usprawiedliwia zamach?
W polskim obozie toczył się wtedy ostry spór. Żołnierze jeszcze przed Teheranem wiedzieli, że zostaliśmy oddani Sowietom. Byli wściekli i rozżaleni, bo zdawali sobie sprawę, że nie wrócą do Polski, gdzie czekały na nich rodziny

Sikorski próbował jednak dokonać zwrotu w swojej polityce?
Kiedy jechał na Bliski Wschód był już politykiem przegranym. 16 czerwca 1943 r. spotkał się w Bagdadzie z nuncjuszem i prosił, aby przekazać papieżowi, że Polska przystępuje do śmiertelnej wojny z ZSRR i prosi o modlitwę.

To wtedy zaczął być dla Brytyjczyków niewygodny?
Wiemy, że ostatniej nocy przed odlotem na Gibraltar Sikorski przyjął ludzi z komisji Czapskiego badającej sprawę Katynia. To był temat niezwykle niewygodny dla Anglików, którzy stawiali wtedy na sojusz ze Stalinem. Ponadto w prywatnych rozmowach generał mówił, że poleci do USA.

Chciał zjednać Amerykanów?
Zamierzał pewnie posłużyć się 10-milionową Polonią w propagandowej wojnie z Rosją. Planował też ujawnić prawdę o Katyniu. Brytyjczycy mogli się obawiać jakiejś jego nieobliczalnej akcji. Tego, że pojawi się u Roosevelta i przekona go, że ze Stalinem trzeba rozmawiać twardo.

Co wiemy o samym zabójstwie generała?
Kluczem do wyjaśnienia szczegółów zamachu jest Jan Gralewski, kurier z Warszawy. Zamachowiec posłużył się jego legendą. Podszył się pod niego i w niebudzący podejrzeń sposób wszedł do pokoju wodza.

Skąd pewność, że za tą akcją stali Brytyjczycy?
Bo nikt na Gibraltarze nie mógł dokonać żadnego zamachu bez ich zgody. To była zamknięta baza wojskowa, na kilka dni przed lądowaniem aliantów na Sycylii wręcz naszpikowana wojskiem.

Dlaczego do ekshumacji ma dojść dopiero teraz?
Pytałem nieżyjącego już Andrzeja Zakrzewskiego z kancelarii prezydenta Lecha Wałęsy, dlaczego nie zbadali ciała generała przed złożeniem go do sarkofagu na Wawelu. Odpowiedział, że na trumnie są brytyjskie pieczęcie. Dał do zrozumienia, że chodzi prawdopodobnie o jakąś polsko-brytyjską umowę. Trzeba by o to zapytać prezydenta Wałęsę.

Jeśli rzeczywiście winni są Brytyjczycy, jak ten fakt wpłynie na nasze stosunki?
W ogóle nie będzie miał wpływu. To historia, która już dawno nie ma zębów.

***

Kardynał zgodził się na ekshumację

Rzecznik kard. Stanisława Dziwisza potwierdził wczoraj, że metropolita krakowski zgadza się na ekshumację zwłok generała Sikorskiego. Warunek jest jeden: oficjalne pismo od polskich władz.
Otwarcie sarkofagu generała jest możliwe, ale musimy dostać pisma z prośbą o ekshumację od stosownych władz państwowych - poinformował ks. Robert Nęcek, rzecznik arcybiskupa, który opiekuje się grobem Sikorskiego na Wawelu.

Ponad dwa tygodnie temu do kard. Dziwisza zwróciło się o to Towarzystwo Miłośników Historii. Kardynał wstępnie już się zgodził, a w wypowiedziach publicznych poparcie zadeklarowali: premier Tusk i prezydent Kaczyński.

Ekshumacji nie udało się przeprowadzić od piętnastu lat, czyli od momentu przywiezienia zwłok generała z Newark w Wielkiej Brytanii.

Wprawdzie planowano wtedy dokładne badanie zachowanych szczątków, ale zablokowały to władze brytyjskie. Historycy mnożą hipotezy o śmierci generała, twierdzą, że mógł zostać uduszony, a katastrofę samolotu, którym leciał, upozorowano. Wskazuje się różnych odpowiedzialnych: Sowietów, niechętne Sikorskiemu kręgi polskich emigrantów i Brytyjczyków.

Lesson learned, Poles get tough over US missiles

Lesson learned, Poles get tough over US missiles
By VANESSA GERA – 18 hours ago

WARSAW, Poland (AP) — Not so long ago, the U.S. enjoyed something akin to a mythical status in Poland. Ronald Reagan was a hero, the dollar was king and Washington was a trusted guardian against Russia.

But that starry-eyed idealism has eroded, and nowhere is that more apparent than in the tough stance Poland has taken in negotiating a missile defense deal with Washington.

The two allies announced Wednesday that they agreed tentatively to base American missile interceptors in Poland, part of a planned U.S. missile shield against Iran. But contentiousness that surfaced over nearly 18 months of negotiations belied the fact that the U.S. was in talks with one of its closest friends in Europe.

"Many problems in the bilateral relationship became apparent during the missile defense talks," said Maria Wagrowska, a security expert with the Warsaw-based Center for International Relations. "And they are not only political — they are also psychological."

She and other analysts agree that if the U.S. had tried to get a deal before the Iraq war, it would have been much easier.

Today, Polish politicians feel burned by the Bush administration, largely because Warsaw's staunch military support for the U.S. war in Iraq failed to win substantial contracts for Polish companies in Iraq's reconstruction, as many here had expected.

As a result, Warsaw has decided that if it is going to link its fate to another major American military project, it's going to get what it wants beforehand — and in writing.

"Poland took an idealistic approach when it decided to support the U.S. in Iraq," Wagrowska said. "Now there is a much more reasonable, commercial approach because of the disappointment that we didn't earn anything in Iraq."

As part of a missile defense deal, Poland has asked for billions of dollars worth of military investment from the U.S. to upgrade its air defenses, including Patriot ground-to-air missiles. What Poland will get is not known.

The government of Prime Minister Donald Tusk has been driving a hard bargain in part because the Polish public strongly opposes the proposed base. For its own survival, the government must show voters that it is not Washington's lapdog, and that it is securing some tangible benefits in exchange.

"Poland doesn't have very much money and I think that we deserve something from the Americans if only because of our participation in the Iraq war," said Danuta Zegarska, 54, a stay-at-home mother relaxing in a Warsaw park on Thursday.

Tusk has acknowledged that his government "is not acting like a naive enthusiast, but like a hard negotiator."

"Poland's security is a holy thing," he said Tuesday. "I will not allow for even the smallest mistake to be committed, and that's why the negotiations aren't as simple as they once seemed."

For its part, the U.S. seems to be playing a hardball, too. As talks bogged down, it emerged last month that U.S. officials had met with Lithuanian leaders to discuss putting the base there instead.

Poland considered that the diplomatic equivalent of arm-twisting.

Poland's Defense Minister Bogdan Klich called that "one of the forms of pressure" that the Americans put on Poland during the talks. "We don't feel that the Americans seriously considered" Lithuania, he said in a radio interview Thursday.

Further complicating the issue is Russia's wrath over U.S. plans to set up military installations so close to its own borders. As part of the system, a missile-tracking radar would be placed in the Czech Republic.

Russia has threatened to attack both sites with missiles of its own, leading Warsaw to use that danger as the basis to demand a massive infusion of U.S. military aid.

Disillusion with the U.S. is also strong among the Czech public, and opposition to missile defense huge. Prague, however, demanded little in return from the U.S. beyond Czech participation in American research and development projects.

That hasn't gone over well with the public, and the frustration there has sparked a grass roots campaign — the No Bases Initiative — which Czech media have described as one of the most significant since the anti-communist movement of Vaclav Havel.

"The Czech government went for this deal on the presumption that we owe the United States for what it did for us before the fall of communism," said Jiri Pehe, a Czech political analyst.

"But a huge majority of Czechs are against the radar. They don't see why we should accept this at all, and if we do, why we shouldn't ask for something in return from the richest country in the world."

Vanessa Gera, correspondent in the Warsaw bureau of The Associated Press, has covered central Europe for seven years.

Poland save 500.000 lives of British and American soldiers Enigma was broken by Polish Scientist Cinton to the Polish parliament in Warsaw

Poland save 500.000 lives of British and American soldiers Enigma was broken by Polish Scientist Cinton to the Polish parliament in Warsaw


Cinton to the Polish parliament in Warsaw " Thank you for Enigma "

July 7, 1994

Thank you very much. Mr. President, Mr. Prime Minister, Marshal Oleksy, Mr. Speakers, and representatives of the people of Poland: I am honored to stand before you today in this chamber, at the heart of Poland's democracy. I know that you have extended your session in order to hear me today, and I am very grateful for your hospitality.

We gather today to honor a friendship that is as old as my Nation. And we honor ties that grow stronger every day. We admire the contributions that Polish-Americans, millions of them, have made and are making to our Nation's strength. And we celebrate the cultural ties that bind our peoples. But at this moment of decision in history, in this time of renewal for Poland and for the United States, Poland has come to mean something even greater, for your success is crucial to democracy's future in Central and Eastern Europe, and indeed, all across the globe.

It has been said that if it were not for the people of Poland, democracy might have perished on the continent of Europe a half-century ago. For it was the Polish mathematicians from the laboratories of Poznan who broke the secrets of the Enigma Code, what Winston Churchill called the most important weapon against Hitler and his armies. It was these code-breakers who made possible the great Allied landings at Normandy, when American, English, French, Canadian, and yes, Free Polish forces joined together to liberate this continent, to destroy one terrible tyranny that darkened our century.

Yet, alone among the great Allied armies who fought in Normandy, the Poles did not return to a liberated land. Your fathers instead returned to a nation that had been laid waste by its invaders. Then one would-be conqueror gave way to another, and an Iron Curtain fell across your borders, a second foreign tyranny gripped your people and your land.

It was here in Poland that all those who believe communism could not stand, first found their hopes fulfilled; here that you began to hammer on the Iron Curtain and force the first signs of rust to appear; here that brave men and women, workers and citizens, led by Solidarnosc, understood that neither consciousness nor economics can be ordered from above; here that you showed the peoples of Central and Eastern Europe that with hearts and hands alone, democracy could triumph.

But I come here today not simply to recall the events of 50 years past or even to rejoice at those of 5 years ago, for others have done that and done it very well. Instead, I come to the heart of a new, democratic Central Europe to look ahead, to speak of how we can reverse the legacies of stagnation and oppression, of fear and division; how we can eradicate the artificial lines through Europe's heartland imposed by half a century of division, and how we can help chart a course toward an integrated Europe of sovereign free nations.

The challenges our generation faces are different from those our parents faced. They are problems that in many cases lack pressing drama. They require quiet and careful solutions. They will not yield easily. And if we meet them well, our reward will not be stunning moments of glory but gradual and real improvement in the lives of our people.

We must find the will to unite around these opportunities of peace as previous generations have united against war's life-or-death threats and oppression's fatal grip. To the courage that enables men and women to drop behind enemy lines, face down rumbling tanks, or advance freedom's cause underground, we must add a new civil courage: the energy and optimism and patience to move forward through peaceful but hard and rapidly changing times.

Our course must be guided by three principles: supporting democracy, advancing free markets, and meeting new security challenges. Half a century after our fathers beat tyranny into submission and half a decade after the Soviet empire collapsed, the voices of violence and militant nationalism can once again be heard. Would-be dictators and fiery demagogs live among us in the East and in the West, promoting ethnic and racial hatred, promoting religious divisions and anti-semitism and aggressive nationalism. To be sure, they are weak imitators of Hitler and Stalin, yet we dare not underestimate the danger they pose. For they feed on fear, despair, and confusion. They darken our road and challenge our achievements.

In this fight, democracy remains our indispensable ally. For democracy checks the ambitions of would-be tyrants and aggressors. It nurtures civil society and respect for human rights and the habits of simple tolerance. Its progress is slow and uneven, and as you doubtless know in this chamber, occasionally frustrating. But it cements economic reforms and security cooperation. And it offers once-captive peoples the opportunity to shape their own future.

Five years ago, your nation seized that opportunity. Discarding dictatorship and a failed command economy that was imposed upon your nation, you stepped into the unknown and started to build a free market economy. Doubters said that it couldn't be done, but the Polish people have proved those naysayers wrong. Poland's reforms are working. You are beginning to win the struggle for economic transformation. You have ended hyperinflation, stabilized your currency, privatized enterprises that drive growth, and doubled your exports. You have proved that free people need not wait for the state to tell them what to do. You have demonstrated an entrepreneurial talent that generates one of Europe's highest growth rates.

But we must be sober and honest in our judgment. When you began this process the old Communist economic system was already collapsing. You knew then your journey would be difficult at best. And although many Poles are prospering today, many others have lost their jobs through no fault of their own, and their hardships abound. In a time like this it is easy to focus on that pain, not on the promise of reform.

My message today to the people of Poland and to all the people of Central and Eastern Europe is simple and direct: Free markets and democracy remain the only proven path to prosperity and to peace. You must hold hard to those tracks. Sustain the civil courage that has brought you so far so fast, and do not give up or turn back. You will not be alone.

The United States has stood with you since you began to build the modern economy, and we stand with you now. America is the number one investor in Poland, with $1.2 billion already in place and much more on the way. The American people are proud to have supported Poland as you have put tens of thousands of your people to work, created thousands of new enterprises, and begun to free your economy from its inherited burden of debt.

Today we are announcing new initiatives that will pump hundreds of millions of dollars into the Polish economy. For example, our Government, along with some of our Nation's largest labor unions, has established a $65 million Polish Partners Fund to promote new investments in business. We are also working to quicken the speed of privatization, to assist people in finding new jobs and housing, to help protect your citizens from the economic pirates of organized crime.

Taken together, these goals--hopeful citizens, thriving entrepreneurs, new investments and expanded trade--are the future pillars of a prosperous, reformed Poland. Economic reform and democracy, though important, however, will only flourish if the free peoples of Central and Eastern Europe are also secure.

In moving to guarantee its own security, Poland has indeed become a model for the other nations of Central and Eastern Europe. Your decisions to establish good relations with Russia, Ukraine, Germany, and Lithuania are shining examples of the potential for peace that the new Europe provides. At this moment, in fact, Poland faces what may fairly be described as its best prospects for peace and security in 350 years. And yet, as you have taught us, we must not forget the lessons of history. There appears to be no immediate or short-term threat to Polish sovereignty, but history and geography caution us not to take this moment for granted.

When my administration began, I stressed that Poland's security and the security of all democratic nations in the region is important to the United States. In January of last year, when I visited Prague and met with the heads of the Visegrad nations, I learned a Polish phrase: Nic o nas bez nas, "Nothing about us, without us." That phrase echoes in my mind today as we solidify and search for a new security arrangement in Europe. Because the simple fact is that Poland should never again have its fate decided for it by others. No democracy in the region should ever be consigned to a gray area or a buffer zone. And no country should have the right to veto, compromise, or threaten democratic Poland's or any other democracy's integration into Western institutions, including those that ensure security.

I know that these are ambitious goals, but history has given us a rare opportunity, the opportunity to join together and to form a new, integrated Europe of sovereign nations, a continent where democracy and free markets know no borders, but where nations can rest easy that their own borders will always be secure. This is the vision behind the Partnership For Peace.

Twenty-one nations have now jointed that Partnership since we began it, and they are already moving to fulfill the dream of a unified and peaceful Europe. They have sworn not only to pursue democracy but also to respect each other's sovereignty and borders. They are moving along a course that is both visionary and realistic, working for the best while always preparing for the worst.

Poland, as all of you know, has taken a leading role in the Partnership For Peace, and I am proud and pleased that some 2 months from now your nation will host the first Partnership exercise on the territory of a former Warsaw Pact state. For the first time since 1945 Polish and American troops, troops that once faced each other across the Iron Curtain, will train together on the plains of Europe.

The United States recognizes that full participation in the Partnership requires resources. And I am pleased to announce today that I will ask our Congress to designate $100 million, effective in the fall of next year, to help America's new democratic partners work with us to advance the Partnership For Peace's goals. In response to your nation's demonstrated commitment to security and democracy, I will ask that fully one-fourth of that money, $25 million, be directed to Poland.

But the Partnership For Peace is only a beginning. Bringing new members into NATO, as I have said many times, is no longer a question of whether, but when and how. And that expansion will not depend upon the appearance of a new threat in Europe. It will be an instrument to advance security and stability for the entire region. We are working with you in the Partnership For Peace in part because the United States believes that when NATO does expand, as it will, a democratic Poland will have placed itself among those ready and able to join. The Partnership For Peace and planning for NATO's future mean that we will not let the Iron Curtain be replaced with a veil of indifference.

I have learned another Polish phrase which, even in my tortured accent, well describes our goal for a more secure, democratic, and prosperous Poland: Rowni z rownymi, wolni z wolnymi, "Equal among equals, free with the free." It is time to bring that phrase to life.

Here in the middle of the rebuilt city of Warsaw, we are reminded that the Polish people have always fought for that right. Fifty years ago this month, the Polish home army was planning the greatest urban uprising of this century. On August 1st, Polish heroes seized much of their city preparing for liberation. The uprising ended in ruin. Some of the heroes perished; others escaped. Yet amidst the flame and the rubble, a lone radio signal could be heard in the West: "Immortal is the nation that can muster such universal heroism," came the broadcast from Warsaw, "for those who have died have conquered, and those who live on with fight on, will conquer and again bear witness that Poland lives while the Poles live."

Here in the heart of a free Poland, you can hear the echoes of that broadcast today. So now let us summon the civil courage that will keep your nation forever free.

Thank you very much.

NOTE: The President spoke at 2:35 p.m. at the Parliament Building. In his remarks, he referred to Jozef Oleksy, Marshal of the Polish Parliament.

COPYRIGHT 1994 U.S. Government Printing Office
COPYRIGHT 2008 Gale, Cengage Learning