Saturday, August 9, 2008

Poland Georgia Together Forever! Polish-Georgian Friendship

Poland Georgia Together Forever! Polish-Georgian Friendship

Tribute to Georgians in Polish Service


Katarzyna Pakosinska (tańczy gruziński taniec

Poland and Georgia fight for freedomGeorgian Officers Fighting for Polandby Gia Kandashvili
Seehttp://www.tvpolonia.com/player/index.php?path=58&mov=87367586.wmv&play=1W rogatywce i tygrysiej skórze - film dokumentalny - TV Polonia ...Losy gruzińskich oficerów, którzy w czasie II wojny światowej znaleźli się w AK. W Muzeum Powstania Warszawskiego ma powstać ich pomnik.Originally Published in Georgia Today NewspaperLast week, Georgia Today learned about a unique work that Jerzy Lubach, a renowned Polish documentary director, friend of Georgia and expert of the Caucasus had taken over. This is a documentary about Georgian officers who fought in the Polish army against the fascist and communist invaders. In the interview, Lubach disclosed a touching story of a Georgian noble diaspora having left a glorious trace in Polish history. Jerzy Lubach, along with his Georgian colleagues, discovered many interesting facts in the recently opened archives of Poland, Georgia and Russia. Since it sounds so interesting, we decided to narrate a bit about the basic story that laid the ground to the idea for the film. First of all, how did Georgian officers find themselves in Poland? Jerzy Lubach willingly answered this and other questions.Jerzy LubachWhen Georgia gained independence from the Russian Empire, Georgia and Poland launched extensive diplomatic, political and military exchanges। The Polish state envoy, Waclaw Ostrowski, was dispatched to Georgia to set up a Polish diplomatic mission in the fledgling democratic republic. Poland firmly adhered to the policy of establishing close diplomatic relations with the states of the South Caucasus, which had escaped the shadow of Russian rule. Marshal and leader of Poland, Jozef Pilsudski, attached great importance to that strategy. Soon Georgia became a pivotal state as the way to Azerbaijan was cut off because of Bolshevic upheaval there. However, all the plans of fast development of Polish-Georgian relations collapsed with intrusion of the Soviet Red Army in independent Georgia on February 1921. After two weeks of merciless fighting, the tiny Georgian corps was crushed and the Soviet flag was raised in Tbilisi. The state was annexed, and the remainder of the leading Georgian military personnel as well as the temporary government fled to Europe via Batumi and Constantinople. Poland did not recognize the annexation of Georgia and kept close relations with the Georgian political and military authorities in exile. Moreover, in autumn 1921 Marshal Pilsudski’s military attaché in Constantinople, Colonel Babicki, addressed an offer to the chief of the Georgian military headquarters, General Alexander Zakariadze, that Poland was willing to accept Georgian officers in the Polish army. Georgian officers – six generals among them – came to Poland and it was to become their second motherland. According to historical data, they quickly grasped the specifics of the Polish military, perfected their Polish and established close relations with their Polish colleagues. “Although Germany announced free passage from Poland for any foreigners, none of the Georgian officer left the country in September 1939, when the fascist army invaded Polish lands. They heroically battled against the fascist occupants as well as Stalin’s Soviet army,” stressed Jerzy Lubach. Some Georgian officers held high military positions in the Polish army. Colonel Valerian Tevzadze led the northern defense of Warsaw. He later was awarded with the Silver Cross for Military Valor. After the Red Army took over Poland, Valerian Tevzadze joined the Polish underground against the communists until his death 1987. “Many Poles knew about Tevzadze who was just a ‘tidbit’ for both Soviet and Polish KGB, but no one gave him in,” underlined the film director in his talk with Georgia Today. As we learned, the current defense minister of Georgia, David Tevzadze, is a close descendent of Valerian Tevzadze. The minister pledged support to the film crew. “There are many other figures from the ranks of Georgian officers who gained fame in the battle for Poland,” Jerzy Lubach narrated. Major Artemi Aronishidze led the 360th infantry battalion in the defense of Warsaw. “He did not retreat until the surrender of the capital to the fascists.” Aronishidze was soon captured by the Germans, and later handed over to the Soviet KGB. Overall amnesty saved him from capital punishment. The major, who was also awarded the Silver Cross, died at 58, in 1950. Giorgi Tumanishvili was born in Poland, to a family of a Georgian officer in exile. In his youth he joined the Polish army in 1939 and had time for taking part in a number of Polish military campaigns against the fascists. Having gained the rank of captain, he was twice awarded with the Silver Cross for Military Valor. Dimitri Shalikashvili gained the rank of major in Poland. After the fall of Warsaw he escaped to America where his sons managed to reach the highest military positions. John Malkhaz Shalikashvili, the eldest son, was the chief of the united military headquarters of the U.S. for years in the early 90s. The younger brother is now taking active part in the Train and Equip Program conducted by the U.S. government in Georgia. “But, such success stories are very rare. A number of Georgian officers fighting in the Polish army died in Gestapo dungeons or Soviet camps,” the film director sighed. Thus, it is obvious that Jerzy Lubach has got a lot to say about the history of the military fraternity between the two nations. Tamara Dularidze, a lecturer at a Moscow cinematography institute and friend of the Polish director is working along with him. Dularidze and Lubach have a good experience in working together on Georgian-Polish history. The film “Seeking the White Angel”, about Grigol Peradze, a Georgian priest and scientist working in Poland, having been killed by the fascists for treating Polish Jews, deserved a high honor. The documentary about Georgian officers in Poland is to be shot in Georgia, Poland, Great Britain and Russia. The Georgian film studio Grifon Film Productions, under Irakli Metreveli, expressed its willingness to work in partnership with Jerzy Lubach on the film. “I hope to invite John Malkhaz Shalikashvili to work in Warsaw as well,” Jerzy Lubach told Georgia Today. The director is going to re-scrutinize the archive of the first Georgian republic of 1918-1921, which should provide a great deal of material for the film.Georgian emigration in PolandFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopediaJump to: navigation, searchThe documented ties between Georgia and Poland reach back to the XV century, when the Georgian (Kartlian) King Konstantin sent a diplomatic mission to the Polish King Alexander Jagellon. Later, Polish King Jan III Sobiesky tried to establish contacts with Georgia. Many Georgians participated in military campaigns led by Poland in XVII century. Bohdan Grudziecki, a Georgian, was the greatest authority on all things Persian working in the Polish king's diplomatic service, made frequent diplomatic trips to Persia, on which he obtained, among other things, guarantees upholding earlier privileges for missionaries. Already during the rule of King Jan Kazimierz was he sent on missions to Isfahan, and King Jan III Sobieski availed himself of Gurdziecki's talents in like manner (in 1668, 1671, 1676-1678, in 1682-1684, and in 1687). Gurdziecki remained at the court of the shah for several years in the capacity of special resident and representative of the Polish king; it was him who delivered to the shah Suleiman news about the victory of the Christian forces at Vienna (1683).Several Georgian politicians, intellectuals and military officers left Georgia for Poland after the Soviet armies invaded the Democratic Republic of Georgia (DRG) in February 1921, taking over the government and establishing the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic in the same March. Although not very numerous and consisting of a few hundred members, the Georgian community of Poland was very active politically and culturally. The best remembered are, however, the Georgian military personnel who served in the Polish ranks from the early 1920s until the end of the World War II.[edit] Georgian PrometheismActive diplomatic contacts developed between the short-lived DRG and Poland was part of Józef Piłsudski’s well-known political concept known as Prometheism. Its aim was to greatly reduce the power of Tsarist Russia and subsequently, the Soviet Union, by supporting nationalist independence movements of the major non-Russian peoples that lived within the borders of Russia or the Soviet Union.Polish and Georgian officers serving in the Polish Army, 1925The Georgian Promethean groups were one of the most active within the movement. This was not overlooked by the Bolsheviks, who in 1930 organized the assassination of Noe Ramishvili, a prominent Georgian political leader and a major promoter of Prometheism.The 1932 Polish-Soviet mutual nonaggression pact precipitated the downfall of the Promethean movement though the Georgians continued their activities in various cultural and social organizations. The most important was the Committee of Georgia founded as early as 1921 by several Georgian intellectuals led by Sergo Qurulashvili. They had close contacts with the centers of Georgian political emigration across Europe, primarily in Paris. The Committee organized various meetings and social activities and provided material support for the Georgian émigrés. It also published its own publications, ProGeorgia (1922), and Propartia (1923). From 1923 to 1924, Qurulashvili also directed the journal Schlos Wschodu pertaining to the Georgian problems. The Georgians organized also the Union of Georgian Students and the Polish-Georgian Society led by Prince Pavle Tumanishvili. The activities of these organizations were limited, however, due to financial difficulties.[edit] Georgians in the Polish military serviceMajor Giorgi Mamaladze, later murdered in the 1940 Katyn massacreImmediately after the fall of the DRG, Noe Zhordania, the head of the Georgian government-in-exile, addressed the friendly nations, particularly France, Greece and Poland, to help in maintaining the professional military cadres. The government of Poland promptly responded, and from 1922 to 1924, hundreds of Georgian Junkers and officers, recommended by Zhordania’s government, were accepted in the Polish military schools. Several professional officers of the former DRG attended military training courses at the Polish army centers. Although not obligated to do so, virtually all of them were subsequently enrolled in the Polish army as contract officers. In the subsequent decade, the total number of Georgian military servicemen reached 1,000.At the outbreak of the World War II, most of the Georgian officers took part in the 1939 Defensive War, and several of them commanded their own regiments composed of Polish soldiers. The most notable officers were:Zakaria Bakradze, generał dywizji, deputy commander of Polish 15th Infantry Division.Aleksandre Chkheidze, generał brygady, deputy commander of Polish 16th Infantry Division.Ivane Kazbegi, generał brygady.Aleksandre Koniashvili, generał brygady.Kirile Kutateladze, generał brygady.Aleksandre Zakariadze, generał brygady.Viktor Lomidze, the commander of ORP Gryf.Giorgi Tumanishvili, captain of the navy, who was awarded Virtuti Militari.Valerian Tevzadze, podpułkownik, the commander of the northern sector of the Polish defences during the siege of Warsaw.Mikheil Kvaliashvili, major, the commander of a cavalry battalion within the 15th Uhlans Regiment.Several Georgian officers were captured by the Soviet forces during the 1939 campaign. General Chkheidze, Major Mamaladze, Captain Skhirtladze and Captain Rusiashvili were killed during the infamous Katyn Massacre, from 1940 to 1941. Many others spent several years in the gulag camps.St. Grigol PeradzeDuring the occupation of Poland, the Germans reorganized the Warsaw-based Committee of Georgia and placed it under their tight control. The occupation administration encouraged the Georgian soldiers in the Polish service to join the Georgian Legion of the Wehrmacht. Some of them responded to the Nazi request, but subsequently joined the Polish resistance movement. The notable Georgian Orthodox priest and Professor Grigol Peradze of Warsaw University ended his life in the Auschwitz concentration camp (1942), when he deliberately entered a gas-chamber instead of a Jewish prisoner who had a large family.John Malchase David Shalikashvili, general of the United States Army who served as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff from 1993 to 1997, was born in Warsaw, Poland where his father also served in the army.After the war, most Georgians either left for Western Europe or were deported to the Soviet camps though some of them (e.g., General V. Tevzadze) remained in the Polish anti-Communist underground for several decades.

Friday, August 1, 2008

Warszawa Warsaw Poland World War II The Warsaw Uprising, August 1 - October 2, 1944

Warszawa Warsaw Poland World War II The Warsaw Uprising, August 1 - October 2, 1944
1939 - 1945




The Warsaw Uprising, August 1 - October 2, 1944 Background: By summer 1944, as the Red Army was advancing from the east, the German occupying forces were perceived to be on the defensive in Poland. The Soviets were encouraging the Polish Home Army, directed by the Polish Government-in-Exile in London, to wrest Warsaw from German control; the Germans at that point had a comparatively small military presence in the Polish capital.
But troubling to the Polish partisans was that as the Soviets "liberated" eastern Poland, they left in their wake a pro-Communist civil authority, exemplified by the Lublin Committee in Lublin. Hoping to establish a non-Communist post-war government in Poland, the decision was made for the Polish Home Army to attack the Germans in Warsaw in advance of the Red Army, with the understanding that Soviet reinforcements would be available if needed. Indeed, the Red Army entered the Warsaw suburb of Praga, across the Vistula River, late in July, 1944.
The Uprising: On August 1, the Polish Home Army General Bor-Komorovski, with a force of between thirty-five and fifty thousand partisans, attacked the Germans in Warsaw. Joined in the fight by the city's Polish population, they took control of most of the city by August 4. But the Germans sent reinforcements: S.S. police units, a brigade of Russian ex-prisoners, and a brigade of ex-convicts, all of whom Hitler had previously ordered removed from the front because of their excessive brutality. The Polish forces became fragmented and isolated. The Germans pursued the cut-off fighters into the city's refuges--burned out buildings, and sewers--where virtually all the Polish forces perished.
During the sixty-three days of fighting the Red Army, encamped within sight across the Vistula, never attempted assistance. The Soviets refused permission to the Americans and British to use their airfields to drop ammunition and relief supplies. In September, when a German victory seemed certain, the Russians allowed a small amount of ammunition to be dropped in, but it was useless: it was made for Soviet armaments and did not fit the Poles' weapons.
When hostilities ceased, eighty-five percent of the city was razed, and the Polish Home Army annihilated . The Germans deported the remaining population. When the Germans were eventually defeated there were no forces left to oppose Soviet political domination in Poland.
Sources:
The Rand McNally Encyclopedia of World War II, General Editor, John Keegan, Rand McNally, New York: 1977
The Simon and Schuster Encyclopedia of World War II, Edited by Thomas Parrish, Brig. Gen. S.L.A. Marshall, chief Consultant Editor, Simon and Schuster, New York: 1978
The Marshall Cavendish Illustrated Encyclopedia of World War II, Volume 13, Brigadier General Jame L.Collins,Jr., Consultant Editor, Marshall Cavendish Corporation, New York: 1972
Return to:
John Damski Story, Part 6
Christine Damski Story, Part 5
John Damski Contents

Thursday, July 31, 2008

A history of the Polish underground's struggle to liberate World War 2 Warsaw from German occupation

A history of the Polish underground's struggle to liberate World War 2 Warsaw from German occupation
ZBRODNIE (ŻYDO)KOMUNISTÓW- "Rabin kontra prof. Nowak" 1/2


Czas zatarł ślad" Poland before the War before 1939

Warszawa Przedwojenna / Pre - War Warsaw

Das Modell (Kraftwerk) Zakazane Piosenki
Warszawo Ma-Zofia Mrozowska

zakazane piosenki - piosenka w tramwaju

kazane piosenki 2


Prezydent Izraela: Wykupujemy Polske, Wegry i Rumunie

Antypolonizm ?

Polish Pilots of the RAF

Polish Squadrons in Battle of Britain

http://RAQport.com

Lech Alex Bajan
Polish American
polonia@raqport.com
RAQport.com
2004 North Monroe Street
Arlington Virginia 222-07
USA
Tel1: 703-652-0993
Tel2: 703-528-0114
Fax: 703-940-8300
Toll free: 1800-695-6200

A history of the Polish underground's struggle to liberate World War 2 Warsaw from German occupation

A history of the Polish underground's struggle to liberate World War 2 Warsaw from German occupation
ZBRODNIE (ŻYDO)KOMUNISTÓW- "Rabin kontra prof. Nowak" 1/2


Czas zatarł ślad" Poland before the War before 1939

Warszawa Przedwojenna / Pre - War Warsaw

Das Modell (Kraftwerk) Zakazane Piosenki
Warszawo Ma-Zofia Mrozowska

zakazane piosenki - piosenka w tramwaju

kazane piosenki 2


Prezydent Izraela: Wykupujemy Polske, Wegry i Rumunie

Antypolonizm ?

Polish Pilots of the RAF

Polish Squadrons in Battle of Britain

http://RAQport.com

Lech Alex Bajan
Polish American
polonia@raqport.com
RAQport.com
2004 North Monroe Street
Arlington Virginia 222-07
USA
Tel1: 703-652-0993
Tel2: 703-528-0114
Fax: 703-940-8300
Toll free: 1800-695-6200

Tuesday, July 29, 2008

Story of Polish Clergy at the Nazi Dachau Concentration Camp

Story of Polish Clergy at the Nazi Dachau Concentration Camp
Time of An Ordeal: The Story of Polish Clergy Imprisoned and Killed at Dachau. Half of the Polish priests imprisoned by the Nazi's died at the Dachau concentration camp. The death of more than 2,000 Polish clergy, including five bishops, at the start of World War II seems to be forgotten by many history books, says a survivor of Dachau. Kazimierz Majdanski, now archbishop emeritus of Warsaw, was arrested Nov. 7, 1939, by the Nazis, when he was in the seminary of Wloclawek. He was arrested with other students and professors, and taken first to Sachsenhausen concentration camp and later to Dachau. In Dachau, he was subjected to pseudoscientific criminal experiments.Archbishop Majdanski: Half of the Polish priests died who were imprisoned in Dachau. I saw so many priests die in a heroic way. All of them were faithful to Christ who said to his disciples: "You will be my witnesses." They died as Catholic priests and Polish patriots. Some of them could have saved themselves, but none of them lowered themselves to such pacts. In 1942 the authorities of the camp offered Polish priests the possibility of special treatment, on the condition of declaring that they belonged to the German nation. No one came forward. When Father Dominik Jedrzejewski was offered his freedom on the condition that he give up his priestly functions, he calmly answered "no," and died. The martyrdom of the Polish clergy during the Nazi inferno was a glorious page of the history of the Church and of Poland. It is too bad that it has been covered by a veil of silence. Kazimierz Majdanski, now archbishop emeritus of Warsaw, will be speaking at the World Congress of Families IV, May 11-13, 2007, Warsaw, Poland

Monday, July 28, 2008

I SAW POLAND BETRAYED AN AMERICAN AMBASSADOR

I SAW POLAND BETRAYED AN AMERICAN AMBASSADOR

Warszawa 1946 - zniszczona Polska i Stolica Warszawa

I SAW POLAND BETRAYED AN AMERICAN AMBASSADOR


I SAW POLAND BETRAYED AN AMERICAN AMBASSADOR

(344 p.)—Arthur Bliss Lane—Bobbs-Merrill
I Saw Poland Betrayed

AN AMERICAN AMBASSADOR
REPORTS TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE

When Arthur Lane stepped into the plane that, in July 1945, was to take him to his post as U.S. Ambassador to Poland, few Americans yet realized that Lane's mission was doomed to the futilities of diplomatic protests. But no Big-Three doubletalk, no top-level deals, not even thick applications of F.D.R.'s charm on Stalin, could alter the inescapable fact: the Russians were in, the U.S. out.

Until the Warsaw government's rigged elections in January 1947, Lane stuck to his post. After that, seeing no hope of Poland's adherence to the Yalta declaration ("free and unfettered elections"), he quit, and returned home to write the saddening story of what he had seen.

Though a career diplomat, Lane has written a blunt and frank report. Where it falls down badly is in the writing. Lane uses that jargon habitual to diplomats, a dialect sometimes confused with English, which makes his occasional revelations seem as blandly dull as his report of an exchange of diplomatic amenities.

Lane found Poland run by a group of highly intelligent and unscrupulous Kremlin agents. Against such hard-bitten commissar types as Hilary Mine and Jakub Berman, who were Poles by birth but acknowledged Moscow as their capital, Lane could only play the gadfly. In Poland, they had the power and he didn't.

Note of Sarcasm. In pages likely to cause uneasiness in Democratic Party headquarters and certain to provoke angry retorts from F.D.R.'s supporters, Lane charges that during Roosevelt's and the early part of Truman's administration, U.S. Government leaders deliberately misled the public about the seriousness of the Polish situation. When Lane told President Roosevelt that strong steps should be taken to maintain Poland's independence, "the President asked rather sharply and with a note of sarcasm, 'Do you want me to go to war with Russia?' "

Roosevelt kept secret the provisions of the Teheran agreement ceding 70,000 square miles of Polish territory to Russia. Why did he? Lane, whose bitterness towards the administrations he represented permeates the book, believes that it was simply because Roosevelt wanted to win the Polish-American vote in 1944. He tells of a State Department official who tried to prevail on Franklin Roosevelt to take a firmer policy with Stalin on Poland, only to be told : " 'You may know a lot about international affairs, but you do not understand American politics.' "

Month of Stalling. The best — and bitterest — chapter in Lane's book, however, is his detailed reconstruction of the tragic 1944 Warsaw uprising against the Nazis, a story full of confusion at the time, but one that in his telling becomes pathetically plain. On July 29, 1944, a Moscow broadcast urged Warsaw to revolt to hasten the entry of Russian troops, then only ten kilometers away. The underground Polish army, led by General Bor, went into action on Aug. 1. The next day it had two-thirds of Warsaw under control. As the Nazis hit back with savage plane attacks, Polish emigré leaders begged the Russians to send planes over Warsaw to drop munitions and food to the rebels. But Russian planes, which for ten days before the revolt had battled the Nazis in the air, remained on the ground.
On Aug. 14, the U.S. asked permission to send planes from England in a shuttle flight to Russia in order to drop aid to Bor's troops. Moscow stalled for a crucial month, finally allowed one flight on Sept. 18. On Oct. 3, the Warsaw insurrection collapsed. The Russians, Lane bitterly concludes, stalled before Warsaw long enough to let the Nazis kill off 250,000 Poles. That made it easier for the Russians to handle the rest.
Arthur Bliss Lane (ur. 16 czerwca 1894, zm. 12 sierpnia 1956) - amerykański dyplomata (1917-1947), ambasador USA w Polsce (1945-1947).

W latach 1917-1919 - sekretarz ambasady USA w Rzymie, 1919 - sekretarz placówki amerykańskiej w Warszawie, kierowanej przez Hugh S. Gibsona, 1920 - w Londynie, gdzie pracował jako sekretarz kolejno pod kierownictwem ambasadorów: J.W. Davisa, a później G.B.Horneya. Z Londynu miał zostać przeniesiony do Buenos Aires, lecz stan zdrowia jego małżonki (Cornelia Thayer Baldwin) spowodował, iż przeniesiono go do Berna w Szwajcarii, gdzie A. Bliss Lane pracował u boku Joshepha C. Grew. Wraz z awansem J.C.Grew na stanowisko Sekretarza Stanu w 1923 roku również A. Bliss Lane pojechał do Waszyngtonu. Zarówno Sumner Welles, z którym Bliss Lane prowadził ożywioną korespondencję, jak i sam Franklin Delano Roosevelt nazywali młodego dyplomatę, jakim był wówczas Bliss Lane, po prostu: „Arthur” . Jego późniejsza droga szybkiego awansu po szczeblach dyplomatycznej kariery obejmowała placówki w Europie oraz w Ameryce Południowej. W roku 1933 A. Bliss Lane został mianowany posłem amerykańskim w Nikaragui, gdzie zaangażował się przeciwko zamiarom obalenia rządu Jounana Sacasa. Trzy lata później, w roku 1936, z tym samym tytułem reprezentował USA w krajach bałtyckich: Litwie, Łotwie i Estonii. Rok później znalazł się już w Jugosławii. W 1941 roku pod jego opiekę przeszła placówka na Kostaryce, zaś w 1942 A. Bliss Lane został mianowany ambasadorem USA w Kolumbii.




Ambasador USA w Polsce
Bliss Lane został mianowany przez Roosevelta ambasadorem USA przy rządzie polskim w Londynie[1] 21 września 1944 r. jednak wobec wkroczenia Armii Czerwonej na teren Polski nigdy w tej roli do Londynu nie pojechał, zgodnie z zaleceniem przełożonych oczekując na dalszy rozwój sytuacji w Waszyngtonie.


Ambasador bez ambasady starał się pozyskać jak najwięcej informacji nie tylko o Polsce, ale i o amerykańskich planach jej dotyczących. Gdy 7 czerwca 1944 roku z amerykańskim prezydentem o sprawach polskich rozmawiał Stanisław Mikołajczyk, 20 listopada swoje 5 minut (dosłownie) otrzymał również Bliss Lane. Tak później wspominał przebieg tej rozmowy: „Powiedziałem, że w mojej opinii bardzo istotnym byłoby wywieranie nacisku na rząd sowiecki, by podtrzymać niezależność Polski i dodałem, że jeśli nie zademonstrujemy naszej siły w chwili, gdy mamy największą armię, marynarkę i siły powietrzne na świecie, a prezydent otrzymał właśnie kolejny mandat od swojego społeczeństwa – nie wiem czy kiedykolwiek będziemy silniejsi. Na co prezydent odpowiedział ostro i z nutą sarkazmu – „Czy chcesz bym poszedł na wojnę z Rosją?” Odpowiedziałem, że nie to miałem na myśli, lecz to, by przyjąć ostrą linię i z niej nie schodzić, wówczas, miałem pewność, osiągnęlibyśmy nasze cele. Zaobserwowałem, że prezydent miał inną wizję wolnej Polski od naszej. Prezydent powiedział, że ma pełne zaufanie do słów Stalina i miał pewność, iż ten się z nich nie wycofa".

13 lutego, a więc tuż po zakończeniu obrad konferencji jałtańskiej, podsekretarz stanu Joseph C.Grew wydał oświadczenie oznajmiające, że Arthur Bliss Lane w dalszym ciągu pozostanie w Waszyngtonie, oczekując na dalszy rozwój sytuacji. 5 kwietnia 1945 Bliss Lane wystosował memorandum do E.Stettiniusa, w którym rekomendował informowanie amerykańskiej opinii publicznej o pogorszeniu się stosunków amerykańsko–sowieckich, zwłaszcza w kwestii polskiej. Po śmierci Roosevelta, jego następca potwierdził nominację Bliss Lane'a na stanowisko ambasadora USA w Polsce. 4 lipca Bliss Lane, który usilnie zabiegał o spotkanie z nowym sekretarzem stanu - Jamesem F. Byrnesem, został przez niego przyjęty. Bliss Lane wyszedł ze spotkania rozczarowany, jako że nie otrzymał sposobności omówienia z własnym przełożonym „jednego z najbardziej drażliwych tematów stojących przed USA", i to w przededniu konferencji poczdamskiej. Jeszcze bardziej upokarzające dla Bliss Lane'a okazało się kolejne spotkanie z J.Byrnesem w Paryżu 6 lipca 1945 roku. Zaczepiony przed hotelem przez ambasadora sekretarz stanu miał mu odpowiedzieć zniecierpliwiony zamykając drzwi od samochodu: „Słuchaj Arthur, te rzeczy po prostu mnie nie interesują. Nie chcę, by zawracano mi nimi głowę”. Do Warszawy amerykański dyplomata przybył jednak dopiero 1 sierpnia 1945 r., po drodze z własnej inicjatywy zatrzymując się na nocleg w Poczdamie, gdzie trwały obrady konferencji Wielkiej Trójki.

Arthur Bliss Lane przebywał w Polsce od 1 sierpnia 1945 do 24 lutego 1947 roku, przez cały ten okres kierując pracami ambasady ulokowanej w pokojach warszawskiego hotelu "Polonia". Szczegółowy opis tego okresu znajduje się w publikowanych wspomnieniach ambasadora, które ukazały się w języku polskim nakładem wyd. Krąg w 1984 r. pt. "Widziałem Polskę zdradzoną". Spośród zagadnień podejmowanych przez ambasadora, które stanowiły także o charakterze relacji dwustronnych amerykańsko-polskich najistotniejszymi były: wybory parlamentarne, które zgodnie z zapisami Jałty i Poczdamu miało cechować "wolne i nieskrępowane" głosowanie, problem udzielenia Tymczasowemu Rządowi Jedności Narodowej kredytów w wysokości 90 milionów dolarów, rekompensata za znacjonalizowane mienie amerykańskie, zwolnienie z więzień osób deklarujących amerykańskie obywatelstwo, a także swoboda relacjonowania wydarzeń w Polsce przez amerykańskich dziennikarzy.

W dniu 19 stycznia 1947 roku, wspólnie z ambasadorem brytyjskim - Victorem Cavendish Bentinckiem - Bliss Lane zorganizował 16 zespołów obserwujących przebieg głosowania na obszarze Polski. W wyniku tej akcji do Waszyngtonu i Londynu trafiły obszerne raporty w oparciu o który bez cienia wątpliwości uznano, iż wybory w Polsce były pogwałceniem postanowień z Jałty i Poczdamu, gdyż cechowały je "przemoc i oszustwo".


Na własną prośbę
Po powrocie do USA (sam poprosił o dymisję) Bliss Lane odszedł ze służby dyplomatycznej i zajął się publicystyką, podejmując głównie zagadnienia dotyczące losu Polski. W latach 1947-1956.

Arthur Bliss Lane był członkiem, a nierzadko honorowym przewodniczącym takich organizacji o charakterze antykomunistycznym jak np.:

Common Cause Inc.,
American Commitee for the Investigation of the Katyn Massacre,
National Commitee for a Free Europe,
Paderewski Testimonial Fund,
J. McGrew National Committee for Free Europe (od 1949 Committee to Stop World Communism),
National Committee of Operation Democracy,
Institute of Fiscal and Political Education,
Tolstoy Foundation (od 1954),
DACOR Diplomatic and Consular Officers Retired.
Brał również udział w pracach Republican National Committee’s Foreign Language Groups. Był jednym ze sponsorów pisma The Polish Review. W archiwum dyplomaty znajduje się duża liczba artykułów prasowych świadczących o jego niemalejącym zainteresowaniu Polską do jego śmierci w 1956 roku.


Bibliografia
Archiwalia
Arthur Bliss Lane Papers, Sterling Memorial Library, Yale University, New Heaven CT.
Wspomnienia
A.Bliss Lane,I Saw Poland Betrayed. An American Ambassador Reports to the American People, New York 1948;
A.Bliss Lane, Widziałem Polskę zdradzoną, Warszawa 1984.
Opracowania
V.Petrov, A Study in Diplomacy. The Story of Arthur Bliss Lane, Chicago 1971;
John A. Sylvester, Arthur Bliss Lane. A Career Diplomat, Universtiy of Wisconsin 1967 ;
John L.Armstrong, More than a Diplomatic Mission; The American Embassy and the Ambassador Arthur Bliss Lane in Polish Politics, July 1945-February 1947, University of Wisconsin-Madison 1990.

Thursday, July 24, 2008

Buchanans false image of Hitler in to the "Unnecessary War"


Buchanans false image of Hitler in to the "Unnecessary War"

Patrick Buchanan presents a false picture of Hitler’s rationality and intentions in his book „Hitler, Churchill and the Unnecessary War.” There are few people that would question the opinion that Hitler was a disgrace for Germany, and brought calamity known as “Gotterdammerung,” to German people, by his foolish notions of German superiority, and his lack of education and command experience. Buchanan seems to be unaware of Hitler’s Parkinson’s Disease, which was contracted after his gas-poisoning on the western front during WWI.

In a German military hospital, after difficult recovery and a bout of blindness, caused by the gas poisoning, Hitler contracted meningitis and suffered an other attack of blindness, and wound up with permanently trembling left hand, as well as, personality change, which made him more cunning than he was earlier. Hitler was from then on worried about his own longevity and during his political career he was a man in a hurry, which fact was well described by professor M. Kamil Dziewanowski in his book “War at Any Price.”

Hitler thought that he was “Germany’s man of destiny” and that only he could accomplish his conquest of “Lebensraum” for the next German millennium. In fact the essence of the policies of the Hitler’s government, at all times, was the implementation of the doctrine of Lebensraum, or “German living space.”

The aim of Hitler’s government was to size the lands inhabited by others, who were to be enslaved or exterminated and replaced by “racial Germans.” These aims were to be realized by a series of wars. Each time Germany was to launch a quick, victorious campaign against w weaker, unprepared, and isolated enemy, whose resources were to help prepare for the next war.

This sequence was to lead to the conquest of the great agricultural lands of the Slavic two-thirds of Europe, and eventually to Germany’s hegemony over the entire world. These lands, located mainly in the Soviet Union and Poland, were to become German Lebensraum during Hitler’s lifetime. Hitler did not want to hear such warnings as that the American steel making capacity was the largest in the world and that USA, located between two oceans, enjoyed a uniquely strong and advantageous strategic position.

Hitler hoped that the German “Aryan” population would double under his rule, thanks to earlier marriages and larger families, while Germans with hereditary defect were to be sterilized. In fact eventually, Hitler’s government kidnapped some one-half million blond children from occupied Poland to be brought up in Germany as “racial Germans.”

Hitler believed that the Jewish minority was the main enemy of internal German racial purity and an important focus for consolidation at home in preparation for expansion abroad. Hitler felt that the wars for German Lebensraum represented an inevitable life-and-death struggle between races for the “survival of the fittest.” Hitler was willing to let Germany perish in his attempt to implement the doctrine of lebensraum, rather than turn back and be “disgraced forever.”

The fact that Hitler lacked education and preparation for the task he set for Germany, under his rule, is evidenced during Hitler’s writing in prison in Bavaria of his “Mein Kampf” program. There Hitler was visited and given eight lengthy lectures on by major general, professor of geopolitics, as well as editor of “Zeitschrift fuer Geopolitik,” Karl Haushofer (1869-sicide in 1946). The cell mate of Hitler, Rudolf Hess, was a student of Haushofer and he arranged for his visits with Hitler in prison, in order to help Hitler formulate a strategy, for which task Hitler was not prepared either by schooling or experience.

Hauhoffer taught Hitler that the defeat of the Soviet Union was of fundamental importance and that the control of the Soviet and Arab oil would put Germany in position to gradually acquire British and French colonies by blackmail. without fighting a war. “Germanic Britain” was also to be junior partner of continental German-Nazi power. This notion caused Hitler to treat “gently” the British on the battlefield and during escape to England from France in 1940, in comparison to the atrocities ordered by Hitler in Poland beginning in 1939.

Hitler believed that his own intuition and eight lectures by Haushofer, qualified him to be the “Germany’s commander in chief.” Hitler learned from Haushofer that Germany lost WWI because of insufficient food and manpower and therefore should form a strategically and numerically superior anti-Soviet alliance of Germany, Japan, Poland and other countries in order to destroy the Soviet-Union in a simultaneous attacks from east and west, without having to fight on a western front. For this purpose Hitler formed the “Anti-Comintern Pact” which according to Buchanan, Poland should have joined and thereby “saved the world” from an “Unnecessary War.”

Patrick Buchanan seams to be oblivious of all the facts mentioned above, and the real history of Hitler’s efforts to persuade Poland to join the Anti-Comintern Pact, which were described among others in the book “Diplomat in Berlin, 1933-1939” by Józef Lipski, Polish Ambassador to Germany during Hitler’s administration. Soviet fear of a two-front war, simultaneously against Germany and Japan, is well described by Pavel Sudoplatov, an NKVD general under Beria, in his book “Special Tasks.” The attack on the Soviet Union from east and west was “Hitler’s best case scenario” supported by the German military commanders.

Poland was in hopeless situation being located within Hitler’s Lebensraum and considered a spoiler of grandiose Lenin’s plans for “Communist World Revolution,” because of the Polish spectacular victory over the Red Army, in the Polish-Soviet war of 1920. At that time the commander of the Red Army, Mikhail Tukhachevsky’s order of July 4, 1920 was: “To the West, over the corpse of “White” Poland, on the road to the worldwide conflagration.”

Hitler’s fury against Poland was caused not only by Poland’s refusal to join in the German-Japanese attack on the Soviet Union; but also by being an obstacle to German access to the Soviet territory. Poland’s resolve to defend itself, actually derailed Hitler’s strategy and drove him to betray his Japanese allies who were fighting the Siberian Soviet army since 1937.

Thus, the Japanese considered Hiller a traitor, never to be trusted again, but to be used in the coming Japanese-American war. Japan not only lodged a formal protest in Berlin against the “Ribbentrop – Molotov Pact,” but also started cease-fire negotiations with the Soviets after extremely heavy losses in the battle on the Kalka River at Kalkhim-Gol. A Soviet-Japanese cease-fire was signed on September 15, 1939, it was put in force the next day, on Sept. 16th and on September 17th 1939, the Red Army, freed of the hostilities against Japan, joined the Germans in the invasion of Poland.

Note: Books by Iwo Cyprian Pogonowski
Jews in Poland - A Documentary History
Hippocrene Books, January 1998; 432 pages
ISBN: 0781806046
Poland - An Illustrated History
Hippocrene Books (2000 - First Printing; 2003 - Second Printing; 2008 – Third Printing);
282 pages
ISBN: 0-7818-0757-3
Poland - A Historical Atlas
Hippocrene Books, New York 1987 - First Printing; 1988 -Third Printing;
320 pages
ISBN: 0-87052-282-5


To the Editor of
The American Conservative,
P.O. Box 9030, Maple Shade, NJ 08052.